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Bradford's history 
"ofPlimoth plantation. " 

William Bradford, Massachusetts. Office 

of the Secretary of State, Massachusetts. Gener 


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From the Original Manuscript. 







T^n<rrnM >. 

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To many people the return of the Bradford Manu- 
script is a fresh discovery of colonial history. By very 
many it has been called, incorrectly, the log of the 
** Mayflower," Indeed, that is the title by which it is 
described in the decree of the Consistorial Court of 
London. The fact is, however, that Governor Brad- 
ford undertook its preparation long after the arrival 
of the Pilgrims, and it cannot be properly considered 
as in any sense a log or daily journal of the voyage 
of the •* Mayflower." It is, in point of fact, a history 
of tlie Plymouth Colony, chiefly in the form of annals, 
extending from the inception of the colony down to 
the year 1647. The matter has been in print since 
1856, put forth through the public spirit of the Mas- 
sachusetts Historical Society, which secured a tran- 
script of the document from London, and printed it 
in the society's Collections of the above-named year. 
As thus presented, it had copious notes, prepared with 
great care by the late Charles Deane ; but these are 
not ^ven in the present volume, wherein only such 

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ever elaboration may seem desirable to some future 
private enterprise. 

It is a matter of regret that no picture of Governor 
Bradford exists. Only Edward Winslow of the May- 
flower Company left an authenticated portrait of him- 
self, and that, painted in England, is reproduced in 
this volume. In those early days Plymouth would 
have been a poor field for portrait painters. The 
people were struggling for their daily bread rather 
than for to-morrow's fame through the transmission 
of their features to posterity. 

The volume of the original manuscript, as it was 
presented to the Governor of the Commonwealth and 
is now deposited in the State Library, is a folio 
measuring eleven and one-half inches in length, seven 
and seven-eighths inches in width and one and one-half 
inches in thickness. It is bound in parchment, once 
white, but now grimy and much the worse for wear, 
being somewhat cracked and considerably scaled. Much 
scribbling, evidently by the Bradford family, is to be 
seen upon its surface, and out of the confusion may 
be read the name of Mercy Bradford, a daughter of 
the governor. On the inside of the front cover is 
pasted a sheet of manilla paper, on which is written 
the following: — 

** Consuttonj Court of thp. Diorjmp. of Tiondnn 

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in London of the United States of America, for the delivery to 
him, on behalf of the President and Citizens of the said States, 
of the original manuscript book entitled and known as The Log 
of the Mayflower. 

Produced in Court this 25th day of March, 1897, and marked 
with the letter A. 

X X>ean8 Coiax*t 

Doctors CoixLizions ** 

Then come two ntianilla leaves, on both sides of 
which is written the decree of the Consistorial Court. 
These leaves and the manilla sheet pasted on the in- 
side of the front cover were evidently inserted after 
the decree was passed. 

Next comes a leaf (apparently the original first leaf 
of the book), and on it are verses, signed **A. M.," 
on the death of Mrs. Bradford. The next is evidently 
one of the leaves of the original book. At the top 
of the page is written the following : — 

This book was rit by govener William bradford and given 
to his son mager William Bradford and by him to his son mager 
John Bradford, rit by me Samuel bradford mach 20, 1705 

At the bottom of the same page the name John 

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The next is a leaf bearing the following, in the 
handwriting of Thomas Prince : — 

TuBSDAT, June 4—1728 

Calling at Major John Bradford's at Kingston near Plimouth, 
son of Major Wm. Bradford formerly Dep Gov'r of Plimouth 
Colony, who was eldest son of Wm. Bradford Esq their 2nd 
GoVr, & author of this History ; ye sd Major John Bradford 
gave me several manuscript octavoes wh he assured me were 
written with his said Grandfather Gov'r Bradford's own hand. 
He also gave me a little Pencil Book wrote with a Blew lead 
Pencil by his sd Father ye Dep Gov'r. And He also told me 
yt He had lent & only lent his sd Grandfather Gov'r Bi*ad- 
ford's History of Plimouth Colony wrote by his own Hand also, 
to judg Sewall ; and desired me to get it of Him or find it out, 
& take out of it what I thought proper for my New-England 
Chronology : wh I accordingly obtained, and This is ye sd His- 
tory : wh I found wrote in ye same Handwriting as ye Octavo 
manuscripts above sd. 

Thomas Prince. 

N. B. I also mentioned to him my Desire of lodging this History 

in ye New England Library of Prints & manuscripts, wh I had been 

then collecting for 23 years, to wh He signified his willingness — only 

yt He might have ye Perusal of it while He lived. 

T. Prince. 

Following this, on the same page, is Thomas Prince's 
printed book-mark, as follows : — 

This Soolc 'belongs to 

Th.e New-Knuflaiid.-Iji'brary, 

Sesu.n. to be oolleoted. by Thomas IPrinoe, upon 

bis entrine Harvard-College, July 6 

1703; and -was jgiven. by 

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On the lower part of a blank space which follows 
the word **by" is written: — 

// now belongs to the Bishop of London* s Library at Fulham. 

There are evidences that this leaf did not belong to 
the priginal book, but was inserted by Mr. Prince. 

At the top of the first page of the next leaf, which 
was evidently one of the original leaves of the book, 
is written in Samuel Bradford's hand, ** march 20 
Samuel Bradford;" and just below there appears, in 
Thomas Prince's handwriting, the following: — 

But major Bradford tells me <& assures me that He only lent 
this Book of his Grandfather's to Mr. Sewall & that it being of 
his Grandfather's own hand writing He had so high a value of 
it that he would never Part with ye Property, but would lend 
it to me & desired me to get it, which I did, & write down this 
that sd Major Bradford and his Heirs may be known to be the 
right owners. 

Below this, also in Thomas Prince's handwriting, 
appears this line : — 

** Page 243 missing when ye Book came into my Hands at Ist." 

Just above the inscription by Prince there is a line 
or- two of writing, marked over in ink so carefully as 
to be wholly undecipherable. On the reverse page of 
this leaf and on the first page of the next are written 
Hebrew words, with definitions. These are all in Gov- 

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emor Bradford's handwriting. On the next page ap- 
pears the following : — 

Though I am growne aged, yet I have had a long- 
ing desire, to see with my own eyes, something of 
that most ancient language, and holy tongue, 
in which the Imw, and oracles of God were 
write; and in which God, and angels, spake to 
the holy patriarks, of old time; and what 
names were given to things, from the 
creation. And though I canot attaine 
to much herein, yet I am refreshed, 
to have seen some glimpse here- 
of ; (as Moses saw the Land 
of canan afarr of) my aime 
and desire is, to see how 
the words, and phrases 
lye in the holy texte ; 
and to dicerne some- 
what of the same 
for my owne 

Then begins the history proper, the first page of 
which is produced in facsimile in this volume, slightly 
reduced. The ruled margins end with page thirteen. 
From that page to the end of the book the writing 
varies considerably, sometimes being quite coarse and 
in other places very fine, some pages containing nearly 
a thousand words each. As a rule, the writing is 
upon one side of the sheet only, but in entering notes 
and subsequent thoughts the reverse is sometimes used. 
The last page number is 270, as appears from the 

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the second page of the next leaf appears the list of 
names of those who came over in the ••Mayflower," 
covering four pages and one column on the fifth page. 
The arrangement of this matter is shown by the fac- 
simile reproduction in this volume of the first page 
of these names. Last of all there is a leaf of heavy 
double paper, like the one in the front of the book 
containing the verses on the death of Mrs. Bradford, 
and on this last leaf is written an index to a few por- 
tions of the history. 

For copy, there was used the edition printed in 
1856 by the Massachusetts Historical Society. The 
proof was carefully compared, word for word, with 
the photographic facsimile issued in 1896 in both 
London and Boston. The value of this comparison is 
evident in that a total of sixteen lines of the original, 
omitted in the original first copy, is supplied in this 
edition. As the work of the Historical Society could 
not be compared, easily, with the original manu- 
script in London, these omissions, with sundry minor 
errors in word and numeral, are not unreasonable. 
The curious will be pleased to learn that the sup- 
plied lines are from the following pages of the man- 
uscript, viz. : page 122, eight lines ; page 129, two 

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MONDAY, MAY 24, 1897. 

The following message from His Excellency the Oot* 
ernor came up from the House, to wit: — 

Boston, Maj 22, 1897. 

To the Honorable Senate and House of Representaiivea. 

I have the honor to call to your attention the fact that 
Wednesday, May 26, at 11 a.m., has been &xed as the date of 
the formal presentation to the Governor of the Commonwealth 
of the Bradford Manuscnpt History, recently ordered by decree 
of the Consistory Court of the Diocese of London to be returned 
to the Commonwealth of Massachusetts by the hands of the 
Honorable Thomas F. Bayard, lately Ambassador at the Court 
of St. James ; and to suggest for the favorable consideration 
of your honorable bodies that the exercises of presentation be 
held in the House of Representatives on the day and hour above 
given, in the presence of a joint convention of the two bodies 
and of invited guests and the public. 

Roger Woloott. 

Thereupon, on motion of Mr. Roe, — 

Ordered^ That, in accordance with the suggestion of 

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of Representatives, on Wednesday, May the twenty- 
sixth, at eleven o'clock a.m., for the purpose of wit- 
nessing the exercises of the formal presentation, to 
the Governor of the Commonwealth, of the Bradford 
Manuscript History, recently ordered by decree of 
the Consistory Court of the Diocese of London to be 
returned to the Commonwealth of Massachusetts by 
the hands of the Honorable Thomas F. Bayard, lately 
Ambassador at the Court of St. James ; and further 

Ordered^ That the clerks of the two branches give 
notice to His Excellency the Governor of the adop- 
tion of this order. 

Sent down for concurrence. (It was concurred with 
same date.) 

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WEDNESDAY, MAY 26, 1897. 

Joint Convention. 
At eleven o'clock a.m., pursuant to assignment, the 
two branches met in 

in the chamber of the House of Representatives. 

On motion of Mr. Roe, — 

Ordered^ That a committee, to consist of three mem- 
bers of the Senate and eight members of the House 
of Representatives, be appointed, to wait upon His 
Excellency the Governor and inform him that the two 
branches are now in convention for the purpose of 
witnessing the exercises of the formal presentation, to 
the Governor of the Commonwealth, of the Bradford 
Manuscript History. 

Messrs. Roe, Woodward and Gallivan, of the Senate, 

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and Bartlett of Boston, of the House, were appointed 
the committee. 

Mr. Roe, from the committee, afterwards reported 
that they had attended tp the duty assigned them, and 
that His Excellency the Governor had been pleased 
to say that he received the message and should be 
pleased to wait upon the Convention forthwith for the 
purpose named. 

His Excellency the Governor, accompanied by His 
Honor the Lieutenant-Governor and the Honorable 
Council, and by the Honorable Thomas F. Bayard, 
lately Ambassador of the United States at the Court 
of St. James's, the Honorable George F. Hoar, Sena- 
tor from Massachusetts in the Congress of the United 
States, and other invited guests, entered the chamber. 

The decree of the Consistorial and Episcopal Court 
of London, authorizing the return of the manuscript 
and its delivery to the Governor, was read. 

The President then presented the Honorable George 
F. Hoar, who gave an account of the manuscript and 
of the many efforts that had been made to secure its 

The Honorable Thomas F. Bayard was then intro- 
duced by the President, and he formally presented 

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WfierecLS^ In the presence of the Senate and of the 
House of Representatives in joint convention assembled, 
and in accordance with a decree of the Consistorial and 
Episcopal Court of London, the manuscript of Brad- 
ford's •* History of the Plimouth Plantation" has this 
day been delivered to His Excellency the Governor 
of the Commonwealth by the Honorable Thomas F. 
Bayard, lately Ambassador of the United States at the 
Court of St. James's ; and 

Whereas^ His Excellency the Governor has accepted 
the said manuscript in behalf of the Commonwealth; 
therefore, be it 

Ordered, That the Senate and the House of Repre- 
aentatives of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts place 
on record their high appreciation of the generous and 
gracious courtesy that prompted this act of inter- 
national good- will, and express their grateful thanks 
to all concerned therein, and especially to the Lord 
Bishop of London, for the return to the Common- 
wealth of this precious relic ; and be it further 

Ordered, That His Excellency the Governor be re- 
quested to transmit an engrossed and duly authenti- 
cated copy of this order with its preamble to the 
Lord Bishop of London. 

His Excellency, accompanied by the other dignita- 
ries, then withdrew, the Convention was dissolved, 
and the Senate returned to its chamber. 

Subsequently a resolve was passed (approved June 

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10, 1897) providing for the publication of the history 
from the original manuscript, together with a report 
of the proceedings of the joint convention, such report 
to be prepared by a conunittee consisting of one mem- 
ber of the Senate and two members of the House of 
Representatives, and to include, so far as practicable, 
portraits of His Excellency Governor Roger Wolcott, 
William Bradford, the Honorable George F. Hoar, the 
Honorable Thomas F. Bayard, the Archbishop of Can- 
terbury and the Lord Bishop of London; facsimiles 
of pages from the manuscript history, and a picture 
of the book itself; copies of the decree of the Con- 
sistorial and Episcopal Court of London, the receipt 
of the Honorable Thomas F. Bayard for the manu- 
script, and the receipt sent by His Excellency the 
Governor to the Consistorial and Episcopal Court; an 
account of the legislative action taken with reference 
to the presentation and reception of the manuscript; 
the addresses of the Honorable George F. Hoar, the 
Honorable Thomas F. Bayard and His Excellency 
Governor Roger Wolcott; and such other papers and 
illustrations as the conunittee might deem advisable ; the 
whole to be printed under the direction of the Secre- 
tary of the Commonwealth, and the book distributed by 
him according to directions contained in the resolve. 

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consistorial and episcopal 
Court of LjONDon. 


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MANDELL by Divine Permission 
The Honorable Thomas Francis Bay- 
ard Ambassador Extraordinary and 
Plenipotentiary to Her Most Gracious 
Majesty Queen Victoria at the Court of Saint James's 
in London and To The Governor and Commonwealth 
of Massachusetts in the United States of America 
Greeting— WHEREAS a Petition has been filed in 
the Registry of Our Consistorial and Episcopal Court 
of London by you the said Honorable Thomas Francis 
Bayard as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipoten- 
tiary to Her Most Gracious Majesty Queen Victoria 
at the Court of Saint James's in London on behalf 
of the President and Citizens of the United States of 
America wherein you have alleged that there is in 
Our Custody as Lord Bishop of London a certain 
Manuscript Book known as and entitled "The Log 
of the Mayflower" containing an account as narrated 
by Captain William Bradford who was one of the 
Company of Englishmen who left England in April 

nr a 

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that Company at Leyden in Holland their return to 
England and subsequent departure for New England 
their landing at Cape Cod in December 1620 their 
Settlement at New Plymouth and their later history 
for several years they being the Company whose Set- 
tlement in America is regarded as the first real Colo- 
nisation of the New England States and wherein you 
have also alleged that the said Manuscript Book had 
been for many years past and was then deposited in 
the Library attached to Our Episcopal Palace at Ful- 
ham in the County of Middlesex and is of the great- 
est interest importance and value to the Citizens of 
the United States of America inasmuch as it is one 
of the earliest records of their national History and 
contains much valuable information in regard to the 
original Settlers in the States their family history and 
antecedents and that therefore you earnestly desired 
to acquire possession of the same for and on behalf 
of the President and Citizens of the said United States 
of America AND WHEREIN you have also alleged 
that you are informed that We as Lord Bishop of 
London had fully recognised the value and interest 
of the said Manuscript Book to the Citizens of the 
United States of America and the claims which they 
have to its possession and that We were desirous 
of transferring it to the said President and Citizens 
AND WHEREIN you have also alleged that you are 
advised and believe that the Custody of documents in 

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the natare of public or ecclesiastical records belong* 
ing to the See of London is vested in the Consis- 
torial Court of the said See and that any disposal 
thereof naust be authorised by an Order issued by the 
Judge of that Honorable Court And that you there- 
fore humbly prayed that the said Honorable Court 
would deliver to you the said Manuscript Book on 
your undertaking to use every means in your power 
for the safe transmission of the said Book to the 
United States of America and its secure deposit and 
custody in the Pilgrim Hall at New Plymouth or in 
such other place as may be selected by the President 
and Senate of the said United States and upon such 
conditions as to security and access by and on behalf 
of the English Nation as that Honorable Court might 
determine AND WHEREAS the said Petition was set 
down for hearing on one of the Court days in Hilary 
Term to wit Thursday the Twenty fifth day of March 
One thousand eight hundred and ninety seven in Our 
Consistorial Court in the Cathedral Church of Saint 
Paul in London before The Right Worshipful Thomas 
Hutchinson Tristram Doctor of Laws and one of Her 
Majesty's Counsel learned in the Law Our Vicar Gen- 
eral and Official Principal the Judge of the said Court 
and you at the sitting of the said Court appeared by 
Counsel in support of the Prayer of the said Petition 

-.-.J J- • aU^ 1 : xi c *U, 

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Secretary and ' was ' then inspected and examined by 
the said Judge and evidence was also given before 
the Court by which it appeared that the Registry at 
Pulham' Palace was a Public Registry for Historical 
and Ecclesiastical Documents relating to the Diocese 
of London and to the Colonial and other possessions 
of Great Britain beyond the Seas so long as the same 
remained by custom within the said Diocese AND 
WHEREAS it aippeared dn the face of the said Man- 
uscript Book that the whole of the body thereof with 
the exception of part of the last page thereof was in 
tiie handwriting of the said William Bradford who 
was elected Governor of New Plymouth in April 
1621 and continued Governor thereof from that date 
excepting between the yeats 1635 and 1637 up to 
1650 and that the last five pages of the said Manu- 
script which is in the handwriting of the said Wil- 
liam Bradford contain what in Law is an authentic 
Register between 1620 and 1650 of the fact of the 
Marriages of the Founders of the Colony of New 
England with the names of their respective wives 
and the names of their Children the lawful issue of 
such Marriages and of the fact of the Marriages of 
many of their Children and Grandchildren and of the 
names of the issue of such marriages and of the 
deaths of many of the persons named therein And 

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script Book had been upon the eridence before the 
Court presumably deposited . at Fulhara Palace some- 
time between the year 1729 and the year 1785 during 
which time the said Colony was by custom within the 
Diocese of London for purposes Ecclesiastical and the 
Registry of the said Consistorial Court was a legiti- 
mate Registry for the Custody of Registers of Mar- 
riages Births and Deaths within the said Colony and 
that the Registry at Fulham Palace was a Registry 
for Historical and other Documents connected with 
Ihe. Colonies and possessions of Great Britain beyond 
the Seas so long as the same remained by custom 
within the Diocese of London and that on the Dec- 
laration of the Independence of the United States of 
America in 1776 the said Colony had ceased to be 
within the Diocese of London and the Registry of the 
Court had ceased to be a public registry for the said 
Colony and having maturely deliberated on the Cases 
precedents and practice of the Ecclesiastical Court 
bearing on the application before him and having 
regard to the Special Circumstances of the Case De- 
creed as follows — (1) That a Photographic fiwjsimile 
reproduction of the said Manuscript Book verified by 
affidavit as being a true and correct Photographic re- 
production of the said Manuscript Book be deposited 
in the Registry of Our said Court by or on behalf 
of the Petitioner before the delivery to the Petitioner 
of the said original Manuscript Book as hereinafter 

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ordered — (2) That the said Manuscript Book be 
delivered over to the said Honorable Thomas Francis 
Bayard by the Lord Bishop of London or in his 
Lordship's absence by the Registrar of the said Court 
on his giving his undertaking in writing that he will 
with all due care and diligence on his arrival from 
England in the United States convey and deliver in 
person the said Manuscript Book to the Governor 
of the Conmionwealth of Massachusetts in the United 
States of America at his Official Office in the State 
House in the City of Boston and that from the time 
of the delivery of the said Book to him by the said 
Lord Bishop of London or by the said Registrar until 
he shall have delivered the same to the Governor of 
Massachusetts he will retain the same in his own Per- 
sonal custody — (3) That the said Book be deposited 
by the Petitioner with the Governor of Massachusetts 
for the purpose of the same being with all convenient 
speed finally deposited either in the State Archives of 
the Conmionwealth of Massachusetts in the City of 
Boston or in the Library of the Historical Society 
of the said Commonwealth in the City of Boston as 
the Governor shall determine — (4) That the Gov- 
ernors of the said Commonwealth for all time to 
come be officially responsible for the safe custody 
of the said Manuscript Book whether the * same be 

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the performance of the following conditions subject to 
a compliance wherewith the said Manuscript Book is 
hereby decreed to be deposited in the Custody of the 
aforesaid Governor of the Commonwealth of Massa- 
chusetts and his Successors to wit : — (a) That all 
persons have such access to the said Manuscript Book 
as to the Governor of the said Commonwealth for the 
time being shall appear to be reasonable and with such 
safeguard as he shall order — (b) That all persons 
desirous of searching the said Manuscript Book for 
the bon& fide purpose of establishing or tracing a 
Pedigree through persons named in the last five pages 
thereof or in any other part thereof shall be per- 
mitted to search the same under such safeguards as 
the Governor for the time being shall determine on 
payment of a fee to be fixed by the Governor — 
(c) That any person applying to the Official having 
the immediate custody of the said Manuscript Book 
for a Certified Copy of any entry contained in proof 
of Marriage Birth or Death of persons named therein 
or of any other matter of like purport for the pur- 
pose of tracing descents shall be furnished with such 
certificate on the payment of a sum not exceeding one 
Dollar — (d) That with all convenient speed after 
the delivery of the said Manuscript Book to the Gov- 
ernor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts the Gov- 
ernor shall transmit to the Registrar of the Court a 

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the Petitioner and that he accepts the Custody of 
the same subject to the terms and conditions herein 
named AND the Judge lastly decreed that the Peti- 
tioner on delivering the said Manuscript Book to the 
Governor aforesaid shall at the same time deliver to 
him this Our Decree Sealed with the Seal of the 
Court WHEREFORE WE the Bishop of London 
aforesaid well weighing and considering the premises 
DO by virtue of Our Authority Ordinary and Epis- 
copal and as far as in Us lies and by Law We may 
or can ratify and confirm such Decree of Our Vicar 
General and Official Principal of Our Consistorial and 
Episcopal Court of London IN TESTIMONY whereof 
We have caused the Seal of Our said Vicar General 
and Official Principal of the Consistorial and Episco- 
pal Court of London which We use in this behalf to 
be affixed to these Presents DATED AT LONDON 
this Twelfth day of April One thousand eight hun- 
dred and ninety seven and in the first year of Our 

Harry W. Lee 

Exd. H.E.T. Registrar 

(L. S.) 

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Ambassador BAYARD. 

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In the Cormtiory Court of London 

In the Matter op the Original Manuscript 
or THE Book entitled and known as ••The 
Log of the Mayflower.*' 

lately Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary 
of the United States of America at the Court of 
Saint James's London Do hereby undertake, in com- 
pliance with the Order of this Honourable Court 
dated the twelfth day of April 1897 and made on 
my Petition filed in the said Honourable Court, that 
I will with all due care and diligence on my arrival 
from England in the United States of America safely 
convey over the Original Manuscript Book Known 
as and entitled ••The Log of the Mayflower" which 
has been this twenty ninth day of April 1897 deliv- 
ered over to me by the Lord Bishop of London, to 
the City of Boston in the United States of America 
and on my arrival in the said City deliver the same 
over in person to the Governor of the Common- 

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delivery of the said Book to me by the said Lord 
Bishop of London until I shall have delivered the 
same to the Governor of Massachusetts, to retain 
the same in my own personal custody. 

(Signed) T. F. Bayakd 

29 April 1897 

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His Excellency ROGER WOLCOTT. 

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His ExceUency RoosB Wolcott, Chwemar of the CommonweaUh 
of Massachuselis, in the United Slates of America, 

To the Registrar of the Consistorial and Episcopal Court of London, 
Whereas^ The said Honorable Court, by its decree 
dated the twelfth day of April, 1897, and made on 
the petition of the Honorable Thomas Francis Bayard, 
lately Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary 
of the United States of America at the Court of 
Saint James in London, did order that a certain 
original manuscript book then in the custody of the 
Lord Bishop of London, known as and entitled 
'•The Log of the Mayflower," and more specifically 
described in said decree, should be delivered over to 
the said Honorable Thomas Francis Bayard by the 
Lord Bishop of London, on certain conditions spec- 
ified in said decree, to be delivered by the said 
Honorable Thomas Francis Bayard in person to the 
Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, 
thereafter to be kept in the custody of the aforesaid 
Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts and 
his successors, subject to a compliance with certain 
conditions, as set forth in said decree; 

And Whereas^ The said Honorable Court by its 
decree aforesaid did further order that, with all con- 
venient speed after the delivery of the said manuscript 
book to the Governor of the Commonwealth of Massa- 

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chusetts, the Governor should transmit to the Regis- 
trar of the said Honorable Court a certificate of the 
delivery of the same to him by the said Honorable 
Thomas Francis Bayard, and his acceptance of the 
custody of the same, subject to the terms and con- 
ditions named in the decree aforesaid; 

JVbw, Therefore^ In compliance with the decree 
aforesaid I do hereby certify that on the twenty-sixth 
day of May, 1897, the said Honorable Thomas Francis 
Bayard delivered in person to me, at my official 
office in the State House in the city of Boston, in 
the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, in the United 
States of America, a certain manuscript book which 
the said Honorable Thomas Francis Bayard then and 
there declared to be the original manuscript book 
known as and entitled *'The Log of the Mayflower," 
which is more specifically described in the decree 
aforesaid; and I do further certify that I hereby 
accept the custody of the same, subject to the terms 
and conditions named in the decree aforesaid. 

In witness whereof ^ I have hereunto signed my 

name and caused the seal of the Commonwealth to 

be affixed, at the Capitol in Boston, this twelfth day 

of July in the year of our Lord one thousand eight 

hundred and ninety-seven, 

Roger Woloott, 

By His Excellency the Governor, 

Wm. M. Olin, 

Secretary of the Commonwealth. 

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The first American Ambassador to Great Britain, at 
the end of his official service, comes to Massachusetts 
on an interesting errand. He comes to deliver to the 
lineal successor of Governor Bradford, in the presence 
of the representatives and rulers of the body politic 
formed by the compact on board the ** Mayflower," 
Nov. 11, 1620, the only authentic history of the 
founding of their Commonwealth; the only authentic 
history of what we have a right to consider the most 
important political transaction that has ever taken 
place on the fistce of the earth. 

Mr. Bayard has sought to represent to the mother 
country, not so much the diplomacy as the good-will 
of the American people. If in this anybody be 
tempted to judge him severely, let us remember 
what his great predecessor, John Adams, the first 
minister at the same court, representing more than 
any other man, embodying more than any other man, 
the spirit of Massachusetts, said to George III., on 

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mental in restoring an entire esteem, confidence and 
affection, or, in better words, the old good-nature 
and the old good-humor between people who, though 
separated by an ocean and under different govern- 
ments, have the same language, a similar religion 
and kindred blood." 

And let us remember, too, the answer of the old 
monarch, who, with all his faults, must have had 
something of a noble and royal nature stirring in his 
bosom, when he replied: *'Let the circumstances of 
language, religion and blood have their natural and 
full effect." 

It has long been well known that Governor Brad- 
ford wrote and left behind him a history of the 
settlement of Plymouth. It was quoted by early 
chroniclers. There are extracts from it in the rec- 
ords at Plymouth. Thomas Prince used it when he 
compiled his annals. Hubbard depended on it when 
he wrote his <* History of Xew England." Cotton 
Mather had read it, or a copy of a portion of it, 
when he wrote his <*Magnalia." Governor Hutchin- 
son had it when he published the second volume of 
his history in 1767. From that time it disappeared 
from the knowledge of everybody on this side of the 

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^Mtrried off by some officer or soldier when Boston 
was evacuated by the British army in 1776. 

In 1844 Samuel Wilberforce, Bishop of Oxford, 
afterward Bishop of Winchester, one of the brightest 
of men, published one of the dullest and stupidest of 
books. It is entitled *<The History of the Protestant 
Episcopal Church in America.** It contained extracts 
from manuscripts which he said he had discovered in 
the library of the Bishop of London at Fulham. The 
book attracted no attention here until, about twelve 
years later, in 1855, John Wingate Thornton, whom 
many of us remember as an accomplished antiquary 
and a delightful gentleman, happened to pick up a 
copy of it while he was lounging in Burnham*8 book 
store. He read the bishop's quotations, and carried 
the book to his office, where he left it for his friend, 
Mr. Barry, who was then writing his ** History of 
Massachusetts," with passages marked, and with a 
note which is not preserved, but which, according 
to his memory, suggested that the passages must have 
come from Bradford's long-lost history. That is the 
claim for Mr. Thornton. On the other hand, it is 
claimed by Mr. Barry that there was nothing of that 
kind expressed in Mr. Thornton's note, but in read- 
ing the book when he got it an hour or so later, 
the thought struck him for the first time that the 
clew had been found to the precious book which had 
been lost so long. He at once repaired to Charles 

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Deane, then and ever since, down to his death, as 
President Eliot felicitously styled him, ^^the master 
of historical investigators in this country." Mr. Deane 
saw the importance of the discovery. He communi- 
cated at once with Joseph Hunter, an eminent English 
scholar. Hunter was high authority on all matters 
connected with the settlement of New England. He 
visited the palace at Fulham, and established beyond 
question the identity of the manuscript with Governor 
Bradford's history, an original letter of Governor Brad- 
ford having been sent over for comparison of hand- 

How the manuscript got to Fulham nobody knows. 
Whether it was carried over by Governor Hutchin- 
son in 1774; whether it was taken as spoil from the 
tower of the Old South Church in 1775 ; whether, 
with other manuscripts, it was sent to Fulham at the 
time of the attempts of the Episcopal churches in 
America, just before the revolution, to establish an 
episcopate here, — nobody knows. It would seem 
that Hutchinson would have sent it to the colonial 
office ; that an officer would naturally have sent it to 
the war office; and a private would have sent it to 
the war office, unless he had carried it off as mere 
private booty and plunder, — in which case it would 

have been unlikely that it would have reached a pub- 
lic — 1 «r j.^ji__ -n.-j. zs-j lA. 1^ aU^ 

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until independence was declared, special jurisdiction 
over Episcopal interests in Massachusetts and Plym- 
outh. This may seem to point to a transfer for some 
ecclesiastical purpose . 

The bishop's chancellor conjectures that it was sent 
to Fulham because of the record annexed to it of 
the early births, marriages and deaths, such records 
being in England always in ecclesiastical custody. 
But this is merely conjecture. 

I know of no incident like this in history, unless 
it be the discovery in a chest in the castle of 
Edinburgh, where they had been lost for one hun- 
dred and eleven years, of the ancient regalia of Scot- 
land, — the crown of Bruce, the sceptre and sword 
of state. The lovers of Walter Scott, who was one 
of the commissioners who made the search, remem- 
ber his intense emotion, as described by his daughter, 
when the lid was removed. Her feelings were worked 
up to such a pitch that she nearly fainted, and drew 
back from the circle. 

As she was retiring she was startled by his voice 
exclaiming, in a tone of the deepest emotion, << some- 
thing between anger and despair," as she expressed 
it: '*By God, no I" One of the commissioners, not 
quite entering into the solemnity with which Scott 

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voice and the aspect of the poet were more than 
sufficient to make this worthy gentleman understand 
his error; and, respecting the enthusiasm with which 
he had not been taught to sympathize, he laid down 
the ancient diadem with an air of painful embar- 
rassment. Scott whispered, **Pray forgive me," and 
turning round at the moment observed his daughter 
deadly pale and leaning by the door. He immedi- 
ately drew her out of the room, and when she had 
somewhat recovered in the fresh air, walked with 
her across Mound to Castle Street. *< He never 
spoke all the way home," she says, **but every 
now and then I felt his arm tremble, and from that 
time I fancied he began to treat me more like a 
woman than a child. I thought he liked me better, 
too, than he had ever done before." 

There have been several attempts to procure the 
return of the minuscript to this country. Mr. Win- 
throp, in 1860, through the venerable John Sinclair, 
archdeacon, urged the Bishop of London to give it 
up, and proposed that the Prince of Wales, then just 
coming to this country, should take it across the 
Atlantic and present it to the people of Massachu- 
setts. The Attorney-General, Sir Fitzroy Kelley, ap- 

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Motley, then minister to England, who had a great 
and deserved influence there, repeated the proposi- 
tion, at the suggestion of that most accomplished 
scholar, Justin Winsor. But his appeal had the same 
fate. The bishop gave no encouragement, and said, 
as had been said nine years before, that the prop- 
erty could not be alienated without an act of Par- 
liament. Mr. Winsor planned to repeat the attempt 
on his visit to England in 1877. When he was at 
Fulham the bishop was absent, and he was obliged 
to come home without seeing him in person. 

In 1881, at the time of the death of President 
Garfield, Benjamin Scott, chamberlain of London, pro- 
posed again in the newspapers that the restitution 
should be made. But nothing came of it. 

Dec. 21, 1895, I delivered an address at Plymouth, 
on the occasion of the two hundred and seventy-fifth 
anniversary of the landing of the Pilgrims upon the 
rock. In preparing for that duty, I read again, with 
renewed enthusiasm and delight, the noble and touch- 
ing story, as told by Governor Bradford. I felt that 
this precious history of the Pilgrims ought to be in 
no other custody than that of their children. But 
the case seemed hopeless. I found myself compelled 
by a serious physical infirmity to take a vacation, 
and to get a rest from public cares and duties, which 
was impossible while I stayed at home. When I 
went abroad I determined to visit the locality, on the 

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borders of Lincolnshire and Yorkshire, from which 
Bi-adford and Brewster and Robinson, the three lead- 
ers of the Pilgrims, came, and where their first church 
was formed, and the places in Amsterdam and Leyden 
where the emigrants spent thirteen years. But I 
longed especially to see the manuscript of Bradford 
at Fulham, which then seemed to me, as it now 
seems to me, the most precious manuscript on earth, 
unless we could recover one of the four gospels 
as it came in the beginning from the pen of the 

The desire to get it back grew and grew dur- 
ing the voyage across the Atlantic. I did not know 
how such a proposition would be received in Eng- 
land. A few days after I landed I made a call upon 
John Morley. I asked him whether he thought the 
thing could be done. He inquired carefully into the 
story, took down from his shelf the excellent though 
brief life of Bradford in Leslie Stephen's <* Bio- 
graphical Dictionary," and told me he thought the 
book ought to come back to us, and that he should 
be glad to do anything in his power to help. It 
was my fortune, a week or two after, to sit next 
to Mr. Bayard at a dinner given to Mr. Collins by 
the American consuls in Great Britain. I took occa- 
sion to tell him the story, and he gave me the 

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compelled, by the health of one of the party with 
whom I was travelling, to go to the continent almost 
immediately, and was disappointed in the hope of an 
early return to England. So the matter was delayed 
until about a week before I sailed for home, when 
I went to Fulham, in the hope at least of seeing 
the manuscript. I had supposed that it was a quasi- 
public library, open to general visitors. But I found 
the bishop was absent. I asked for the librarian, 
but there was no such officer, and I was told very 
politely that the library was not open to the public, 
and was treated in all respects as that of a private 
gentleman. So I gave up any hope of doing any- 
thing in person. But I happened, the Friday before 
I sailed for home, to dine with an English friend 
who had been exceedingly kind to me. As he took 
leave of me, about eleven o'clock in the evening, 
he asked me if there was anything more he could 
do for me. I said, *'No, unless you happen to know 
the Lord Bishop of London. I should like to get 
a sight at the manuscript of Bradford's history before 
I go home." He said, '*I do not know the bishop 
myself, but Mr. Grenfell, at whose house you spent 
a few days in the early summer, married the bishop's 
niece, and will gladly give you an introduction to his 
uncle. He is in Scotland. But I will write to him 

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Mr. Grenfell, introducing me to the bishop. I wrote 
a note to his lordship, saying I should be glad to 
have an opportunity to see Bradford's history; that 
I was to sail for the United States the next Wednes- 
day, but would be pleased to call at Fulham Tuesday, 
if that were agreeable to him. 

I got a note in reply, in which he said if I would 
call on Tuesday he would be happy to show me '<The 
Log of the Mayflower," which is the title the English, 
without the slightest reason in the world, give the 
manuscript. I kept the appointment, and found the 
bishop with the book in his hand. He received me 
with great courtesy, showed me the palace, and said 
that that spot had been occupied by a bishop's palace 
for more than a thousand years. 

After looking at the volume and reading the records 
on the flyleaf, I said: **My lord, I am going to say 
something which you may think rather audacious. I 
think this book ought to go back to Massachusetts. 
Nobody knows how it got over here. Some people 
think it was carried off by Governor Hutchinson, the 
Tory governor; other people think it was carried off 
by British soldiers when Boston was evacuated; but 
in either case the property would not have changed. 
Or, if you treat it as a booty, in which last case, 
I suppose, by the law of nations ordinary property 

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applies that principle to the property of libraries and 
institutions of learning/' 

••Well," said the bishop, •*! did not know you 
cared anything about it." 

••Why," said I, ••if there were in existence in 
England a history of King Alfred's reign for thirty 
years, written by his own hand, it would not be more 
precious in the eyes of Englishmen than this manu- 
script is to us." 

••Well," said he, ••! think myself it ought to go 
back, and if it had depended on me it would have gone 
back before this. But the Americans who have been 
here — many of them have been commercial people — 
did not seem to care much about it except as a curi- 
osity. I suppose I ought not to give it up on my 
own authority. It belongs to me in my official 
capacity, and not as private or personal property. 
I think I ought to consult the Archbishop of Can- 
terbury. And, indeed," he added, ••! think I ought 
to speak to the Queen about it. We should not do 
such a thing behind Her Majesty's back." 

I said: ••Very well. When I go home I will have 
a proper application made from some of our literary 
societies, and ask you to give it consideration." 

I saw Mr. Bayard again, and told him the story. 
He was at the train when I left London for the 

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terest into the matter, and told me again he would 
gladly do anything in his power to forward it. 

When I got home I communicated with Secretary 
Olney about it, who took a kindly interest in the 
matter, and wrote to Mr. Bayard that the adminis- 
tration desired he should do everything in his power 
to promote the application. The matter was then 
brought to the attention of the council of the Ameri- 
can Antiquarian Society, the Massachusetts Historical 
Society, the Pilgrim Society of Plymouth and the 
New England Society of New York. These bodies 
appointed committees to unite in the application. 
Governor Wolcott was also consulted, who gave his 
hearty approbation to the movement, and a letter was 
dispatched through Mr. Bayard. 

Meantime Bishop Temple, with whom I had my 
conversation, had himself become Archbishop of Can- 
terbury, and in that capacity Primate of all England. 
His successor. Rev. Dr. Creighton, had been the 
delegate of John Harvard's College to the great cele- 
bration at Harvard University on the two hundred 
and fiftieth anniversary of its foundation, in 1886. 
He had received the degree of doctor of laws from 
the university, had been a guest of President Eliot, 
and had received President Eliot as his guest in 

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States. So, by great fortune, the two eminent eccle- 
siastical personages who were to have a powerful 
influence in the matter were likely to be exceed- 
ingly well disposed. Dr. Benjamin A. Gould, the 
fisimous mathematician, was appointed one of the com- 
mittee of the American Antiquarian Society. He died 
suddenly, just after a letter to the Bishop of London 
was prepared and about to be sent to him for sign- 
ing. He took a very zealous interest in the matter. 
The letter formally asked for the return of the manu- 
script, and was signed by the following-named gentle- 
men : George F. Hoar, Stephen Salisbury, Edward 
Everett Hale, Samuel A. Green, for the American 
Antiquarian Society; Charles Francis Adams, William 
Lawrence, Charles W. Eliot, for the Massachusetts 
Historical Society; Arthur Lord, William M. Evarts, 
William T. Davis, for the Pilgrim Society of Plym- 
outh; Charles C. Beaman, Joseph H. Choate, J. Pier- 
pont Morgan, for the New England Society of New 
York; Roger Wolcott, Governor of Massachusetts. 

The rarest good fortune seems to have attended 
every step in this transaction. 

I was fortunate in having formed the friendship of 
Mr. Grenfell, which secured to me so cordial a 
reception from the Bishop of London. 

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thoroughly capable of understanding and respecting 
the deep and holy sentiment which a compliance 
with our desire would gratify. 

It was fortunate, too, that Bishop Temple, who 
thought he must have the approbation of the arch- 
bishop before his action, when the time came had 
himself become Archbishop of Canterbury and Primate 
of all England. 

It was fortunate that Dr. Creighton had succeeded 
to the see of London. He is,, himself, as I have 
just said, an eminent historical scho4ar. He has 
many friends in America. He was the delegate of 
Emmanuel, John Harvard's College, at the great Har- 
vard centennial celebration in 1886. He received the 
degree of doctor of laws at Harvard and is a mem- 
ber of the Massachusetts Historical Society. He had, 
as I have said, entertained President Eliot as his 
guest in England. 

It was fortunate, too, that the application came in 
a time of cordial good-will between the two coun- 
tries, when the desire of John Adams and the long- 
ing of George IH. have their ample and complete 
fulfilment. This token of the good-will of England 
reached Boston on the eve of the birthday of the 

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English people at the sixtieth anniversary of a reign 
more crowded with benefit to humanity than any 
other known in the annals of the race. Upon the 
power of England, the sceptre, the trident, the lion, 
the army and the fleet, the monster ships of war, 
the all-shattering guns, the American people are 
strong enough now to look with an entire indiffer- 
ence. We encounter her commerce and her manu- 
fieu^ture in the spirit of a generous emulation. The 
inheritance from which England has gained these 
things is ours also. We, too, are of the Saxon 


Id our halls Is bang 
Armory of the Invincible knights of old. 

Our temple covers a continent, and its porches are 
upon both the seas. Our fathers knew the secret to 
lay, in Christian liberty and law, the foundations of 
empire. Our young men are not ashamed, if need 
be, to speak with the enemy in the gate. 

But to the illustrious lady, type of gentlest woman- 
hood, model of mother and wife and friend, who came 
at eighteen to the throne of George IV. and William; 
of purer eyes than to behold iniquity; the maiden 
presence before which everything unholy shrank; the 
sovereign who, during her long reign, *'ever knew 
ttie people that she ruled;" the royal nature that 
disdained to strike at her kingdom's rival in the 
hour of our sorest need; the heart which even in 

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the bosom of a queen beat with sympathy for the 
cause of constitutional liberty; who, herself not un- 
acquainted with grief, laid on the coflBn of our dead 
Garfield the wreath fragrant with a sister's sympa- 
thy, — to her our republican manhood does not dis- 
dain to bend. 

The eagle, lord of land and sea, 
Will stoop to pay her fealty. 

But I am afraid this application might have had 
the fate of its predecessors but for our special good 
fortune in the fact that Mr. Bayard was our ambas- 
sador at the Court of St. James. He had been, as 
I said in the beginning, the ambassador not so much 
of the diplomacy as of the good-will of the American 
people. Before his powerful influence every obstacle 
gave way. It was almost impossible for Englishmen 
to refuse a request like this, made by him, and 
in which his own sympathies were so profoundly 

You are entitled, sir, to the gratitude of Massa- 
chusetts, to the gratitude of every lover of Massa- 
chusetts and of every lover of the country. You 
have succeeded where so many others have failed, 

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manuscript will be settled after it has reached the 
hands of His Excellency. Wherever it shall go it 
will be an object of reverent care. I do not think 
many Americans will gaze upon it without a little 
trembling of the lipb and a little gathering of mist 
in the eyes, as they think of the story of suffering, 
of sorrow, of peril, of exile, of death and of lofty 
triumph which that book tells, — which the hand of 
the great leader and founder of America has traced 
on those pages. 

There is nothing like it in human annals since the 
story of Bethlehem. These Englishmen and English 
women going out from their homes in beautiful Lin- 
coln and York, wife separated from husband and 
mother from child in that hurried embarkation for 
Holland, pursued to the beach by English horsemen; 
the thirteen years of exile; the life at Amsterdam 
•*in alley foul and lane obscure;" the dwelling at 
Ley den ; the embarkation at Delfthaven ; the farewell 
of Robinson ; the terrible voyage across the Atlantic ; 
the compact in the harbor; the landing on the rock; 
the dreadful first winter; the death roll of more than 
half the number ; the days of suffering and of famine ; 
the wakeful night, listening for the yell of wild 
beast and the war-whoop of the savage; the build- 
ing of the State on those sure foundations which 
no wave or tempest has ever shaken ; the breaking 
of the new light; the dawning of the new day; the 

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beginning of the new life ; the enjoyment of peace 
with liberty, — of all these things this is the origi- 
nal record by the hand of our beloved father and 
founder. Massachusetts will preserve it until the 
time shall come that her children are unworthy of 
it; and that time shall come, — never. 

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Your Excellency, Gentlemen of the two Houses of 
the Legislature of Massachusetts, Ladies and Gentle- 
men, Fellow Countrymen : The honorable and most 
gratifying duty with which I am charged is about 
to receive its final act of execution, for I have the 
book here, as it was placed in my hands by the 
Lord Bishop of London on April 29, intact then and 
now; and I am about to deliver it according to the 
provisions of the decree of the Chancellor of Lon- 
don, which has been read in your presence, and the 
receipt signed by me and registered in his court that 
I would obey the provisions of that decree. 

I have kept my trust; I have kept the book as 
I received it; I shall deliver it into the hands of 
the representative of the people who are entitled 
to its custody. 

And now, gentlemen, it would be superfluous for 
me to dwell upon the historical features of this 
remarkable occasion, for it has been done, as we 
all knew it would be done, with ability, learning, 
eloquence and impressiveness, by the distinguished 
Senator who represents you so well in the Con- 
gress of the United States. 

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For all that related to myself, and for every 
gracious word of recognition and commendation that 
fell from his lips in relation to the part that I have 
taken in the act of restoration, I am profoundly 
grateful. It is an additional reward, but not the 
reward which induced my action. 

To have served your State, to have been instru- 
mental in such an act as this, was of itself a high 
privilege to me. The Bradford manuscript was in the 
library of Fulham palace, and if, by lawful means, I 
could have become possessed of the volume, and have 
brought it here and quietly deposited it, I should 
have gone to my home with the great satisfaction of 
knowing that I had performed an act of justice, an 
act of right between two countries. Therefore the 
praise, however grateful, is additional, and I am very 
thankful for it. 

It may not be inappropriate or unpleasing to you 
should I state in a very simple manner the history 
of my relation to the return of this book, for it all 
has occurred within the last twelve months." 

I knew of the existence of this manuscript, and 
had seen the reproduction in facsimile. I knew that 
attempts had been made, unsuccessfully, to obtain the 
original book. 

At that time Senator Hoar made a short visit to 

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common with the people of this State, had in the 
restoration of this manuscript to the custody of the 

We discussed the methods by which it might be 
accomplished, and after two or three concurrent sug- 
gestions he returned to the United States, and pres- 
ently I received, under cover from the Secretary of 
State, — a distinguished citizen of your own State, 
Mr. Olney, — a formal note, suggesting rather than 
instructing that ia an informal manner I should en- 
deavor to have carried out the wishes of the various 
societies that had addressed themselves to the Bishop 
of London and the Archbishop of Canterbury, in 
order to obtain the return of this manuscript. 

It necessarily had to be done informally. The strict 
regulations of the office I then occupied forbade my 
correspondence with any member of the British gov- 
ernment except through the foreign office, unless it 
were informal. An old saying describes the entire 
case, that "When there's a will there's a way." There 
certainly was the will to get the book, and there cer- 
tainly was also a will and a way to give the book, 
and that way was discovered by the legal custodians 
of the book itself. 

At first there were suggestions of difficulty, some 

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Then there arose the necessity of a formal act of 

There could be entertained no question as to the 
title to the manuscript in the possession of the British 
government. There was no authority to grant a claim, 
founded on adverse title, and the question arose as 
to the requisite form of law of a permissive rather 
than of a mandatory nature, in order to be authorita- 
tive with those who had charge of the document. 

But, as I have said, when ther^ was a will there 
was found a way. By personal correspondence and 
interviews with the Bishop of London, I soon discov- 
ered that he was as anxious to find the way as I was 
that he should find it. In March last it was finally 
agreed that I should employ legal counsel to present 
a formal petition in the Episcopal Consistorial Court 
of London, and there before the Chancellor to repre- 
sent the strong desire of Massachusetts and her people 
for the return of the record of her early Governor. 

Accordingly, the petition was prepared, and by ray 
authority signed as for me by an eminent member 
of the bar, and it was also signed by the Bishop of 
London, so that there was a complete consensus. The 
decree was ordered, as is published in the London 
** Times" on March 25 last, and nothing after that 

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These formalities were carried out during my ab- 
sence from London on a short visit to the Conti- 
nent, and the decree which you have just heard read 
was duly entered on April 12 last, consigning the 
document to my personal custody, to be delivered 
by me in this city to the high official therein named, 
subject to those conditions which you have also heard. 

Accordingly, on the 29th of April last I was sum- 
moned to the court, and there, having signed the re- 
ceipt, this decree was read in my presence. Then the 
Bishop of London arose, and, taking the book in 
his hands, delivered it with a few gracious words 
into my custody, and here it is to-day. 

The records of those proceedings will no doubt be 
preserved here as accompanying this book, as they 
are in the Episcopal Consistorial Court in London, 
and they tell the entire story. 

But that is but part. The thing that I wish to 
impress upon you, and upon my fellow countrymen 
throughout the United States, is that this is an act 
of courtesy and friendship by another government — 
the government of what we once called our ** mother 
country** — to the entire people of the United States. 
You cannot limit it to the Governor of this Com- 
monwealth; nor to the Legislature; nor even to the 
citizens of this Commonwealth. It extends in its 

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the ready response of courtesy and kindness to the 
request for the restoration of this manuscript record. 

I may say to you that there has been nothing that 
I have sought more earnestly than to place the affairs 
of these two great nations in the atmosphere of 
mutual confidence and respect and good-will. If it 
be a sin to long for the honor of one's country, 
for the safety and strength of one's country, then 
I have been a great sinner, for I have striven to 
advance the honor and the safety and the welfare 
of my country, and believed it was best accom- 
plished by treating all with justice and courtesy, and 
doing those things to others which we would ask to 
have done to ourselves. 

When the Chancellor pronounced his decree in March 
last, he cited certain precedents to justify him in re- 
storing this volume to Massachusetts. One precedent 
which powerfully controlled his decision, and which 
in the closing portion of his judgment he emphasizes, 
was an act of generous liberality upon the part of 
the American Library Society in Philadelphia in vol- 
untarily returning to the British government some 
volumes of original manuscript of the period of James 
the First, which by some means not very clearly 

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to speak of the liberality and kindness which dictated 
the action of the Philadelphia library. Gentlemen, I 
am one of those who believe that a generous and 
kindly act is never unwise between individuals or 

The return of this book to you is an echo of the 
kindly act of your countrymen in the city of Phila- 
delphia in 1866. 

It is that, not, as Mr. Hoar has said, any influence 
or special effort of mine; but it is international good 
feeling and comity which brought about to you the 
pleasure and the joy of having this manuscript re- 
turned, and so it will ever be. A generous act will 
beget a generous act; trust and confidence will beget 
trust and confidence; and so it will be while the world 
shall last, and well will it be for the man or for the 
people who shall recognize this truth and act upon it. 

Now, gentlemen, there is another coincidence that 
I may venture to point out. It is history repeating 
itself. More than three hundred years ago the ances- 
tors from whom my father drew his name and blood 
were French Protestants, who had been compelled to 
flee from the religious i>ersecutions of that day, and 
for the sake of conscience to find an asylum in Hol- 
land. Fifty years after they had fled and found safety 
in Holland, the little congregation of Independents 
from the English village of Scrooby, under the pas- 
torate of John Robinson, was forced to fly, and with 

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difficulty found its way into the same country of the 
Netherlands, seeking an asylum for consciences' sake. 

Time passed on. The little English colony re- 
moved, as this manuscript of William Bi*adford will 
tell you, across the Atlantic, and soon after the 
Huguenot family from whom I drew my name found 
their first settlement in what was then the New 
Netherlands, now New York. Both came from the 
same cause; both came with the ^ame object, the 
same purpose, — **soul freedom," as Roger Williams 
well called it. Both came to found homes where 
they could worship God according to their own con- 
science and live as free men. They came to these 
shores, and they have found the asylum, and they 
have strengthened it, and it is what we see to-day, — 
a country of absolute religious and civil freedom, — 
of equal rights and toleration. 

And is it not fitting that I, who have in my veins 
the blood of the Huguenots, should present to you and 
your Governor the log of the English emigrants, who 
left their country for the sake of religious freedom? 

They are blended here, — their names, their inter- 
ests. No man asks and no man has a right to ask 
or have ascertained by any method authorized by law 
what is the conscientious religious tenet or opinion 
of any man, of any citizen, as a prerequisite for 

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I think it well on this occasion to make» as I am 
sure you are makings acknowledgment to that heroic 
little country, the Lowlands as they call it, the Neth- 
erlands, — the country without one single feature of 
military defence except the brave hearts of the men 
who live in it and defend it. 

Holland was the anvil upon which religious and 
civil liberty was beaten out in Europe at a time 
when the clang was scarcely heard anywhere else^ 
We can never forget our historical debt to that 
country and to those people. Puritan, Independent, 
Huguenot, whoever he may be, forced to flee for 
conscience's sake, will not forget that in the Nether- 
lands there was found in his time of need the 
asylum where conscience, property and person might 
be secure. 

And now my task is done. I am deeply grateful 
for the part that I have been enabled to take in this 
act of just and natural restitution. In Massachusetts 
or out of Massachusetts there is no one more will- 
ing than I to assist this work; and here, sir [address- 
ing Governor Wolcott], I fulfil my trust in placing in 
your hands the manuscript. 

To you, as the honored representative of the people 
of this Commonwealth, I commit this book, in pur- 
suance of my obligations, gladly undertaken under 
the decree of the Episcopal Consistorial Court of 

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..; • <;: ('■••■■. ; :x:>(.,' 

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On reoeiying the volume, Governor Wolcott, ad- 
dressing Mr. Bayard, spoke as follows: I thank you, 
sir, for the diligent and fiEiithful manner in which 
you have executed the honorable trust imposed upon 
you by the decree of the Consistorial and Episcopal 
Court of London, a copy of which you have now 
placed in my bands. It was fitting that one of your 
high distinction should be selected to perform so 
dignified an office. 

The gracious act of international courtesy which is 
now completed will not fail of grateful appreciation 
by the people of this Commonwealth and of the 
nation. It is honorable alike to those who hesitated 
not to prefer the request and to those whose generous 
liberality has prompted compliance with it. It may 
be that the story of the departure of this precious 
relic from our shores may never in its every detail 
be revealed; but the story of its return will be read 
of all men, and will become a part of the history 
of the Commonwealth. There are places and objects 
so intimately associated with the world's greatest men 
or with mighty deeds that the soul of him who gazes 
upon them is lost in a sense of reverent awe, as it 

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listens to the voice that speaks from the past, in 
words like those which came from the burning bush, 
*'Put off thy shoes from off thy feet, for the place 
whereon thou standest is holy ground." 

On the sloping hillside of Plymouth, that bathes 
its feet in the waters of the Atlantic, such a voice 
is breathed by the brooding genius of the place, and 
the ear must be dull that fails to catch the whispered 
words. For here not alone did godly men and women 
suffer greatly for a great cause, but their noble pur- 
pose was not doomed to defeat, but was carried to 
perfect victory. They stablished what they planned. 
Their feeble plantation became the birthplace of re- 
ligious liberty, the cradle of a free Commonwealth. 
To them a mighty nation owns its debt. Nay, they 
have made the civilized world their debtor. In the 
varied tapestry which pictures our national life, the 
richest spots are those where gleam the golden threads 
of conscience, courage and faith, set in the web by 
that little band. May God in his mercy grant that 
the moral impulse which founded this nation may 
never cease to control its destiny; that no act of 
any future generation may put in peril the funda- 
mental principles on which it is based, — of equal 

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sachusetts — is told the noble, simple story ** of 
Plimoth Plantation." In the midst of suffering and 
privation and anxiety the pious hand of William 
Bradford here set down in ample detail the history 
of the enterprise from its inception to the year 1647. 
From him we may learn ** that all great and hon- 
ourable actions are accompanied with great difficulties, 
and must be both enterprised and overcome with 
answerable courages." 

The sadness and pathos which some might read into 
the narrative are to me lost in victory. The triumph 
of a noble cause even at a great price is theme for 
rejoicing, not for sorrow, and the story here told 
is one of triumphant achievement, and not of defeat. 

As the official representative of the Commonwealth, 
I receive it, sir, at your hands. I pledge the faith 
of the Commonwealth that for all time it shall be 
guarded in accordance with the terms of the decree 
under which it is delivered into her possession as one 
of her chiefest treasures. I express the thanks of the 
Commonwealth for the priceless gift. And I venture 
the prophecy that for countless years to come and 
to untold thousands these mute pages shall eloquently 
speak of high resolve, great suffering and heroic en- 
durance made possible by an absolute fiEiith in the 
over-ruling providence of Almighty God. 

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-S V.'' 

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Of Plimoth Plantation. 

And first of y occasion and indnsments ther unto; 
the which that I may troly unfould, I must begine at 
y* very roote & rise of y* same. The which I shall 
endevor to manefest in a plaine stile, with singuler 
regard unto y^ simple trueth in all things, at least as 
near as my slender judgmente can attaine the same. 

1. Chapter. 

It is well knowne unto y'' godly and judicious, how 
ever since y* first breaking out of y* lighte of y* gosjjcll 
in our Honourable Nation of England, (which was y^ 
first of nations whom y* Lord adorned ther with, affber 
y* grosse darknes of popery which had covered & over- 
spred y* Christian worled,) what warrs & opposissions 
ever since, Satan hath raised, maintained, and continued 
against the Saincts, from time to time, in one sorte or 
other. Some times by bloody death and 'cruel I tor- 
ments ; other whiles imprisonments, banishments, & 
other hard usages ; as being loath his kingdom should 
goe downe, the trueth prevaile, and y® churches of God 
reverte to their anciente puritie, and recover their prima- 
tive order, libertie, & bewtie. But when he could not 

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HISTORY OF [chap. I. 

prevaile by these means, against the maine traeths of 
y* gospell, but that they began to take rootting in many 
places, being watered with y® blooud of y* martires, and 
blessed from heaven with a gracious encrease ; He then 
begane to take him to his anciente strategemes, used 
of old against the first Christians. That when by y* 
bloody & barbarous persecutions of y* Heathen Em- 
perours, he could not stoppe & subuerte the course 
of y® gospell, but that it speedily overspred with a 
wounderfull celeritie the then best known parts of y* 
world. He then begane to sow errours, heresies, and 
wounderfull dissentions amongst y® professours them 
selves, (working upon their pride & ambition, with 
other corrupte passions incidente to all mortall men, 
yea to y* saints them selves in some measure,) by 
which wofuU effects followed; as not only bitter con- 
tentions, & hartburnings, schismes, with other horrible 
confusions, but Satan tooke occasion & advantage therby 
to foyst in a number of vile ceremoneys, with many 
unproffitable cannons & decrees, which have since been 
as snares to many poore & peaceable souls even to this 
day. So as in y° anciente times, the persecutions [2] 
by y* heathen & their Emperours, was not greater then 
of the Christians one against other ; the Arians & other 
their complices against y* orthodoxe & true Christians. 

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that of ould practised towards y* Christians when they 
were compelled & drawne to sacrifice to idoles; for many 
indured sundrie kinds of tormente^ often rackingSy (& dis^ 
membering of their joynts; confiscating of ther goods; 
some bereaved of their native soyle; others departed this 
life under y* hands of y* tormentor; and some died in 
banisJimete^ <& never saw ther cuntrie againCy (6c. 

The like methode Satan hath seemed to hold in these 
later times , since j^ trueth begane to springe & spread 
after y^ great defection made by Antichrist, y* man of 

For to let pass y^ infinite examples in sundrie na- 
tions and severaU places of y^ world, and instance in 
our owne, when as y* old serpente could not prevaile 
by those firie flames & other his cruell tragedies, which 
he* by his instruments put in ure every wher in y* 
days of queene Mary & before, he then begane an 
other kind of warre, & went more closly to worke; 
not only to oppuggen, but even to ruinate & destroy 
y* kingdom of Christ, by more secrete & subtile means, 
by kindling y® flames of contention and sowing y* 
seeds of discorde & bitter enmitie amongst y'^ proffes- 
sors & seeming reformed them selves. For when he 
could not prevaile by y® former means against y* prin- 
cipall doctrins of faith, he bente his force against ye 

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6 HISTORY OF [chap. I. 

Christ, by which those holy doctrines should be con- 
served, & true pietie maintained amongest the saints 
& people of God. 

Mr. Foxe recordeth how y* besids those worthy 
martires & confessors which were burned in queene 
Marys days & otherwise tormented,* man}/ (both stu- 
dients <& others) fled out of y* land^ to y* number of 
800. And became several! congregations. At Wesell^ 
Frankfordy BassUlj Emden^ Markpurge^ Strausborughy 
& Geneva^ i&c. Amongst whom (but especialy those 
at Frankford) begane y' bitter warr of contention <& 
persecutio aboute y® ceremonies, & servise-booke, and 
other popish and antichristian stuffe, the plague of 
England to this day, which are like y* highplases in 
Israeli, w^ the prophets cried out against, & were 
their mine; [3] which y* better parte sought, accord- 
ing to y® puritie of y* gospell, to roote out and 
utterly to abandon. And the other parte (under 
veiled pretences) for their ouwn ends & advancments, 
sought as stifly to continue, maintaine, & defend. As 
appeareth by y® discourse therof published in printe. 
An**: 1575 ; a booke y* deserves better to be knowne 
and considred. 

The one side laboured to have y® right worship of 
God & discipline of Christ established in y* church, 
according to y* simplicitie of y® gospell, without the 
mixture of mens inventions, and to have & to be 

• Acts & Mon : pag. 1587. editi : 2. 

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ruled by j* laws of GUkIs word, dispensed in those 
offices, & by those officers of Pastors, Teachers, & 
Elders, &c. according to y^ Scripturs. The other par- 
tie, though under many colours & pretences, ender- 
ored to have y^ episcopall dignitie (affiter y* popish 
maner) with their large power & jurisdiction still re- 
tained; with all those courts, cannons, & ceremonies^ 
togeather with all such livings, revenues, & subordi- 
nate officers, with other such means as formerly up- 
held their antichristian greatnes, and enabled them 
with lordly <& tyranous power to persecute y* poore 
servants of God. This contention was so great, as 
neither y* honour of God, the commone persecution, 
nor y* mediation of Mr. Calvin & other worthies of 
y^ Lord in those places, could prevaile with those 
thus episcopally minded, but they proceeded by all 
means to disturbe y* peace of this poor persecuted 
church, even so fiarr as to charge (very unjustly, & 
ungodlily, yet prelatelike) some of their cheefe op- 
posers, with rebellion & hightreason against y^ Em- 
perour, <& other such crimes. 

And this contetion dyed not with queene Mary, nor 
was left beyonde y* seas, but at her death these peo* 
pie returning into England under gracious queene 
Elizabeth, many of them being preferred to bish- 
opricks & other promotions, according to their aimes 
and desires, that inveterate hatered against y* holy 
discipline of Christ in his church hath continued to 

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8 BISTORT OP [chap. I. 

this day. In somuch that for fear [4] it should pre- 
yeile, all plotts & devices have been used to keepe it 
outy incensing j^ queene & state against it as dan- 
gerous for y^ comon wealth; and that it was most 
needfull y^ y^ fundamentall poynts of Religion should 
be preached in those ignorante & superstitious times; 
and to wine y^ weake & ignorante , they might retaine 
diverse harmles ceremoneis; and though it were to be 
wished y* diverse things were reformed, yet this was 
not a season for it. And many the like, to stop y^ 
mouthes of y® more godly, to bring them over to 
yeeld to one ceremoney after another, and one cor- 
ruption aft»r another; by these wyles begyleing some 
& corrupting others till at length they begane to per- 
secute all y* zealous professors in y* land (though 
they knew little what this discipline mente) both by 
word & deed, if they would not submitte to their 
ceremonies, & become slaves to them & their popish 
trash, which have no ground in y® word of God, but 
are relikes of y* man of sine. And the more y^ light 
of y® gospell grew, y® more y*^ urged their subscrip- 
tions to these corruptions. So as (notwithstanding all 
their former pretences & fair colures) they whose 
eyes God had not justly blinded might easily see 
wherto these things tended. And to cast contem|)te 
the more upon y* sincere servants of God, they oppro- 
briously & most injuriously gave unto, & imposed 
upon them, that name of Puritans, which [it] is said 

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the Novatians out of prid did assume & take unto 
themselves.* And lamentable it is to see y^ effects 
which have followed. Religion hath been disgraced, 
the godly greeved, afflicted, persecuted, and many 
exiled, sundrie have lost their lives in prisones A 
otherways. On the other hand, sin hath been coun- 
tenanced, ignorance, profannes, & atheisme increased, 
& the papists encouraged to hope againe for a day. 

This made that holy man Mr. Perkins f crie out in 
his exhortation to repentance, upon Zeph. 2. Religion 
(saith he) hath been amongst tis this 35. years; but 
the more it is published^ the more it is contemned & 
reproached of many^ (6c. Thus not prophanes nor 
wickedneSj but Religion it sdfe is a byword^ a moking* 
stocky (6 a matter of reproach; so that in England at 
this day the man or woman y* begines to profes Religion^ 
(& to serve Cfod^ must resolve with him selfe to sustaine 
[5] mocks (6 injueries even as though he lived amongst 
y* enimies of Religion, And this comone experience 
hath confirmed & made too apparente. 

A late observation^ as it were by the way^ worthy to be 


Full litle did I thinke, y' the downfall of y* Bishops, with 
their coui'ts, cannons, & ceremonies, &c. had been so neare, 
when I first begane these scribled writings (which was aboute 
y* year 1630, and so peeced up at times of leasure after- 

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10 HISTORY OP [chap. I. 

ward), or that I should have lived to have seene or heard 
of y* same; but it is y* Lords doing, and ought to be 
marvelous in our eyes! Every plante which mine heavenly 
father hath not planted (saith our Saviour) shall be rooted 
up. Mat: 15. 13.* I have snared the, and thou art taken, 
Babell (Bishops), and thou wast not aware; thou art 
found, and also caught, because thou hast striven against 
the Lord. Jer. 50. 24. But will they needs strive against y* 
truth, against y* servants of God ; what, & against the Lord 
him selfe? Doe they provoke the Lord to anger? Are they 
stronger than he? 1. Cor: 10. 22. No, no, they have mete 
with their match. Behold, I come unto y*, O proud man, 
saith the Lord God of hosts ; for thy day is come, even the 
time that I will visite the. Jer: 50. 31. May not the 
people of God now say (and these pore i>eople among y* 
rest) , The Lord hath brought forth our righteousnes ; come, 
let us declare in Sion the work of the Lord our God. Jer: 
51. 10. Let all flesh be still before the Lord; for he is 
i-aised up out of his holy place. Zach: 2. 13. 

In this case, these poore people may say (among y* 
thousands of Israll), WJien the Lord brougt againe the cap- 
tivite of ZioTij we were like them that dreame. Psa: 126. 1. 
The Lord hath done greate things for tw, wherof we rejoyce. 
V. 3. They tJiat sow in teareSj shall reap in joye. They 
wente weeping^ and carried prtdoxis seede, hut tJiey shall 
retume with joye^ and bring their sheaves, v. 5, 6. 

Doe you not now see y* fruits of your labours, all yee 
servants of y* Lord that have suffered for his truth, and 
have been faithfull witneses of y* same, and yee litle hand- 
full amongst y* rest, y* least amongest y* thousands of Israll? 

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and againe i*ejojce, and say Hallela-iah, salvation, and glorie, 
and honour, and power, be to y* Lord oar Grod; for true 
and righteous are his judgments. Rev. 19. 1, 2. 

But thou wilte aske what is y* mater? What is done? 
Why, art thou a stmnger in Israll, that thou shouldest not 
know what is done? Are not those Jebusites overcome that 
have vexed the people of Israll so long, even holding Jeru- 
salem till Davids days, and been as thorns in their sids, so 
many ages; and now begane to scome that any David 
should meadle with them ; they begane to fortifie their tower, 
as that of the old Babelonians; but those proud Anakimes 
are throwne downe, and their glory laid in y* dust. The 
tiranous bishops are ejected, their courts dissolved, their can- 
nons forceless, their servise casheired, their ceremonies uselese 
and despised ; their plots for popery prevented, and all their 
superstitions discarded & returned to Roome from whence 
they came, and y* monuments of idolatrie rooted out of y* land. 
And the proud and profane suporters, and cruell defenders of 
these (as bloody papists <& wicked athists, and their malignante 
consorts) marvelously over throwne. And are not these greate 
things? Who can deney it? 

But who hath done it ? Who, even he that siteth on y* white 
horse, who is caled faithfull, <& true, and judgeth and fighteth 
righteously, Rev: 19. 11. whose garments are dipte in blood, 
and his name was caled the woi*d of God, v. 13. for he shall 
rule them with a rode of iron ; for it is he that treadeth the 
winepress of the feircenes and wrath of God almighty. And 
he hath upon his garmente, and upon his thigh, a name writen, 
The King of Kings, and Lord of Lords, v. 15, 16. 

Anno Dom: 1646. Hallelu-iah. 

But that I may come more near my intendmente; 
when as by the travell & diligence of some godly & 
zealous preachers, & Gods blessing on their labours, as 

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12 HISTORY OP [chap. I, 

in other places of y* land, so in y* North parts, many 
became inlightened by y* word of God, and had their 
ignorance & sins discovered unto them, and begane by 
his grace to reforme their lives, and make conscience 
of their wayes, the worke of God was no sooner mani- 
fest in them, but presently they were both scoffed and 
scorned by y* prophane multitude, and y* ministers 
urged with y® yoak of subscription, or els must be 
silenced; and y* poore people were so vexed with 
apparators, & pursuants, & y® comissarie courts, as 
truly their affliction was not smale; which, notwith- 
standing, they bore sundrie years with much patience, 
till they were occasioned (by y* continuance & encrease 
of these troubls, and other means which y* Lord raised 
up in those days) to see further into things by the 
light of y® word of God. How not only these base 
and beggerly ceremonies were unlawfull, but also that 
y* lordly & tiranous power of y® prelats ought not to 
be submitted unto ; which thus, contrary to the free- 
dome of the gospell, would load & burden mens con- 
sciences, and by their compulsive power make a prophane 
mixture of persons & things in y® worship of God. And 
that their offices & calings, courts & cannons, &c. were 
unlawfull and antichristian ; being such as have no war- 
rante in y® word of God ; but the same y* were used in 
poperie, & still retained. Of which a famous author 

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1602-.1606?] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION, 13 

king James into England ; The new king (saith he) found 
their established y* reformed religion^ according to y* re^ 
formed religion of king Edward y* 6. Retaining ^ or 
keeping still y* spirituaU stcUe of y* BishopSj i&c, after 
y* ould maner^ much varying <fi differing finym y* reformed 
churches in Scotland^ France^ <& y* Neatherlanda^ JEmbden^ 
Geneva^ i&c. whose reformation is cuty or shapen much 
nerer y* first Christian churches^ as it was used in y* 
Apostles times.* 

[6] So many therfore of these proffessors as saw 3^* 
evill of these things, in thes parts, and whose harts y* 
Lord had touched w*** heavenly zeale for his trueth, they 
shooke of this yoake of antichristian bondage, and as 
y® Lords free people, joyned them selves (by a covenant 
of the Lord) into a church estate, in y® felowship of y* 
gospell, to walke in all his wayes, made known, or to 
be made known unto them, according to their best en- 
deavours, whatsoever it should cost them, the Lord assist- 
ing them. And that it cost them something this ensewing 
historie will declare. 

These people became 2. distincte bodys or churches, 
& in regarde of distance of place did congregate sev- 
erally ; for they were of sundrie townes & vilages, some 
in Notingamshire, some of LincoUinshire, and some of 
Yorkshire, wher they border nearest togeather. In one 

-■* 1 -1 ~«»» ^^^^^m 

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of these churches (besids others of note) was Mr John 
Smith, a man of able gifts, & a good preacher, who 
afterwards was chosen their pastor. But these after* 
wards falling into some errours in y^ Low Countries, 
ther (for y^ most part) buried them selves, & their 

But in this other church (w^ must be y* subjecte of 
our discourse) besids other worthy men, was M'. Richard 
Clifton, a grave & revered preacher, who by his paines 
and dilligens had done much good, and under Grod had 
ben a means of y^ conversion of many. And also that 
fiEunous and worthy man M'. John Robinson, who after- 
wards was their pastor for many years, till y* Lord 
tooke him away by death. Also M^ William Brewster 
a reverent man, who afterwards was chosen an elder 
of y* church and lived with them till old age. 

But after these things they could not long continue 
in any peaceable condition, but were hunted & perse- 
cuted on every side, so as their former afflictions were 
but as flea-bitings in comparison of these which now 
came upon them. For some were taken & clapt up in 
prison, others had their houses besett & watcht night 
and day, & hardly escaped their hands; and y* most 
were faine to flie & leave their bowses & habitations, 
and the means of their livelehood. Yet these & many 
other sharper things which afflkerward befell them, were 

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graoe & spirite. Yet seeing them selves thus molestedy 
[7] and tiiat ther was no hope of their continuance ther, 
by a joynte consente they resolved to goe into y^ Low* 
Countries, wher they heard was freedome of Religion 
for all men ; as also how sundrie from London, & other 
parts of y^ land, had been exiled and persecuted for 
y* same cause, & were gone thither, and lived at Am- 
sterdam, & in other places of y^ land. So afiter they 
had continued togeither aboute a year, and kept their 
meetings every Saboth in one place or other, exercising 
the worship of God amongst them selves, notwithstand- 
ing all y^ dilligence & malice of their adverssaries, they 
seeing they could no longer continue in y^ condition, 
they resolved to get over into Hollad as they could; 
which was in y* year 1607. & 1608. ; of which more at 
large in y^ next chap. 

2. Chap. 

Of (heir departure into Holland and their troubls ther 
aboute^ with some of y* many difficulties they found 
and mete withalL 

An^ 1608. 
Being thus constrained to leave their native soyle 
and countrie, their lands & livings, and all their 
freinds & famillier acquaintance, it was much, and 
thought marvelous by many. But to goe into a coun- 
trie they knew not (but by hearsay), wher they must 
leame a new language, and get their livings they 

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16 HISTORY OF [chap. U. 

knew not how, it being a dear place, & subjecte to 
y* misseries of warr, it was by many thought an ad- 
venture almost desperate, a case intolerable, & a mis- 
serie worse then death. Espetially seeing they were 
not aquainted with trads nor traffique, (by which y* 
countrie doth subsiste,) but had only been used to a 
plaine countrie life, & y* inocente trade of husbandrey. 
But thesQ things did not dismay them (though they 
did some times trouble them) for their desires were 
sett on y® ways of God, & to injoye his ordinances; 
but they rested on his providence, & knew whom they 
had beleeved. Yet [8] this was not all, for though 
they could not stay, yet were y® not suffered to goe, 
but y® ports & havens were shut against them, so as 
they were faine to seeke secrete means of conveance, 
& to bribe & fee y* mariners, & give exterordinarie 
rates for their passages. And yet were they often 
times betrayed (many of them), and both they & 
their goods intercepted & surprised, and therby put 
to great trouble & charge, of which I will give an in- 
stance or tow, & omitte the rest. 

Ther was a large companie of them purposed to get 
passage at Boston in Lincoln-shire, and for tiiat end 
had hired a shipe wholy to them selves, & made 

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expences, though he kepte not day with them, yet he 
came at length & tooke them in, in y^ night. But 
when he had them & their goods abord, he betrayed 
them, haveing before hand complotted with y® serchers 
& other officers so to doe; who tooke them, and put 
them into open boats, & ther rifled & ransaked them, 
searching them to their shirts for money, yea even y*. 
women furder then became modestie; and then caried 
them back into y* towne, & made them a spectackle 
& wonder to y® multitude, which came flocking on all 
sids to behould them. Being thus first, by the chatch- 
poule officers, rifled, & stripte of their money, books, 
and much other goods, they were presented to y^ 
magestrates, and messengers sente to informe y* lords 
of y® Counsell of them ; and so they were comited to 
ward. Indeed y* magestrats used them courteously, 
and shewed them what favour they could; but could 
not deliver them, till order came from y^ Counsell- 
table. But y** issue was that after a months impris- 
onmente, y® greatest parte were dismiste, & sent to 
y* places from whence they came; but 7. of y^ prin- 
cipall were still kept in prison, and bound over to 
y® Assises. 

The nexte spring after, ther was another attempte 
made by some of these & others, to get over at an 
other place. And it so fell out, that they light of a 
Dutchman at Hull, having a ship of his owne belong- 
ing to Zealand ; they made agreemente with him, and 

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acquainted [9] him with their condition, hoping to 
find more faithfullnes in him, then in y® former of 
their owne nation. He bad them not fear, for he 
would doe well enough. He was by appointment to 
take them in betweene Grimsbe & Hull, wher was a 
large comone a good way distante from any towne. 
Now aganst the prefixed time, the women & children, 
with y* goods, were sent to y* place in a small barke, 
which they had hired for y* end; and y* men were to 
meete them by land. But it so fell out, that they 
were ther a day before y* shipe came, & y* sea being 
rough, and y® women very sicke, prevailed with y* 
seamen to put into a creeke hardby, wher they lay on 
ground at lowwater. The nexte morning y* shipe 
came, but they were fast, & could not stir till aboute 
noone. In y* mean time, y** shipe maister, perceive- 
ing how y® matter was, sente his boate to be getting 
y* men abord whom he saw ready, walking aboute y* 
shore. But after y® first boat full was gott abord, & 
she was ready to goe for more, the m^ espied a greate 
company, both horse & foote, with bills, & gunes, & 
other weapons; for y* countrie was raised to take 
them. Y® Dutch-man seeing yS swore his countries 
oath, << sacremente," and having y* wind faire, waiged 
his Ajicor, hoysed sayles, & away. But y* poore men 
which were gott abord, were in great distress for 
their wives and children, which they saw thus to be 
taken, and were left destitute of their helps ; and 

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them selves also, not having a cloath to shifte them 
with, more then they had on their baks, & some 
scarce a peney aboute them, all they had being abord 
y* barke. It drew tears from their eyes, and any 
thing they had they would have given to have been 
a shore againe; but all in vaine, ther was no remedy, 
they must thus sadly part. And afterward endured 
a fearfuU storme at sea, being 14. days or more be- 
fore y*^ arived at their porte, in 7. wherof they 
neither saw son, moone, nor stars, & were driven 
near y* coast of Norway; the mariners them selves 
often despairing of life ; and once with shriks & cries 
gave over all, as if y* ship had been foundred in jr* 
sea, & they sinking without recoverie. But when 
mans hope & helpe wholy failed, y* Lords power & 
mercie appeared in ther recoverie; for y® ship rose 
againe, & gave y^ mariners courage againe to manage 
her. And if modestie woud suffer me, I might de- 
clare with what fervente [10] prayres they cried unto 
y* Lord in this great distres, (espetialy some of 
them,) even without any great distraction, when y* 
water rane into their mouthes & ears; & the mariners 
cried out, We sinke, we sinke; they cried (if not 
with mirakelous, yet with a great hight or degree of 
devine feith). Yet Lord thou canst save, yet Lord 

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20 HISTOET OP [chap. H. 

gane to abate, and y* Lord filed their afflicted minds 
with shuch comforts as every one canot understand, 
and in y** end brought them to their desired Haven, 
wher y® people came flockeing admiring their deliver- 
ance, the storme having ben so longe & sore, in 
which much hurt had been don, as y® masters freinds 
related unto him in their congrattulations. 

But to returne to y* others wher we left. The rest 
of y® men y* were in greatest danger, made shift to 
escape away before y® troope could surprise them; 
those only staying y* best might, to be assistante unto 
y* women. But pitifull it was to see y** heavie case 
of these poore women in this distress; what weeping 
& crying on every side, some for their husbands, that 
were caried away in y® ship as is before related; 
others not knowing what should become of them, & 
their litle ones ; others againe melted in teares, see- 
ing their poore litle ones hanging aboute them, crying 
for feare, and quaking with could. Being thus apre- 
hended, they were hurried from one place to another, 
and from one justice to another, till in y® ende they 
knew not what to doe with them ; for to imprison so 
many women & innocent children for no other cause 
(many of them) but that they must goe with their hus- 
bands, semed to be unreasonable and all would crie 
out of them ; and to send them home againe was as 

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wise disposed of their houses & livings. To be shorte, 
after they had been thus turmolyed a good while, and 
conveyed from one constable to another, they were glad 
to be ridd of them in y® end upon any termes ; for all 
were wearied & tired with them. Though in y* mean 
time they (poore soules) indured miserie enough ; and 
thus in y*' end necessitie forste a way for them. 

But y* I be not tedious in these things, I will omitte 
y* rest, though I might relate many other notable pas- 
sages and troubles which they endured & underwente 
in these their wanderings & travells both at land & sea ; 
but I hast to [11] other things. Yet I may not omitte 
y* fruite that came hearby, for by these so publick 
troubls, in so many eminente places, their cause became 
famouss, & occasioned many to looke into y® same ; and 
their godly cariage & Christian behaviour was such as 
left a deep impression in the minds of many. And 
though some few shrunk at these first conflicts & sharp 
beginings, (as it was no marvell,) yet many more came 
on with fresh courage, & greatly animated others. And 
in y® end, notwithstanding all these stormes of oppossi- 
tion, they all gatt over at length, some at one time & 
some at an other, and some in one place & some in an 
other, and mette togeather againe according to their 
desires, with no small rejoycing. 

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22 rasTORY OP [chap. ni. 

The 3. Chap. 

Of their ceding in Holandy <& their matter of living ^ & 
entertainmente ther. 

Being now come into y^ Low Countries, they saw 
many goodly & fortified cities, strongly walled and 
garded with troopes of armed men. Also they heard 
a strange & uncouth language, and beheld y^ difierente 
maners & customes of y® people, with their strange 
fashons and attires; all so farre differing from y^ of 
their plaine countrie villages (wherin they were bred, 
& had so longe lived) as it seemed they were come into 
a new world. But these were not y* things they much 
looked on, or long tooke up their thoughts; for they 
had other work in hand, & an other kind of warr 
to wage & maintaine. For though they saw faire & 
bewtifiill cities, flowing with abundance of all sorts of 
welth & riches, yet it was not longe before they saW 
the grifSe & grisly face of povertie coming upon them 
like an armed man, with whom they must bukle & 
incounter, and from whom they could not flye; but 
they were armed with faith & patience against him, and 
all his encounters; and though they were sometimes 
foyled, yet by Gods assistance they prevailed and got 
y* victorie. 

Now when M'. Robinson, M'. Brewster, & other prin- 
cipall members were come over, (for they were of y* 

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last, & stayed to help y^ weakest over before them,) 
such things were [12] thought on as were necessarie 
for their setling and best ordering of y* church affairs. 
And when they had lived at Amsterdam aboute a year, 
M^ Robinson, their pastor, and some others of best 
discerning, seeing how M^ John Smith and his com- 
panie was allready fallen in to contention with y* church 
y^ was ther before them, & no means they could use 
would doe any good to cure y^ same, and also that 
y* flames of contention were like to breake out in y^ 
anciente church it selfe (as affterwards lamentably 
came to pass) ; which things they prudently foresee- 
ing, thought it was best to remove, before they were 
any way engaged with y* same ; though they well knew 
it would be much to y* prejudice of their outward 
estats, both at presente & in licklyhood in y^ future; 
as indeed it proved to be. 

Their remoovaU to Leyden. 
For these & some other reasons they removed to Ley- 
den, a fair & bewtifuU citie, and of a sweete situation, 
but made more famous by y* universitie wherwith it is 
adorned, in which of late had been so many learned 
men. But wanting that traffike by sea which Amster- 
dam injoyes, it was not so beneficiall for their outward 
means of living & estats. But being now hear pitchet 

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24 msTORY OP [chap. in. 

any other riches whatsoever. And at lenght they came 
to raise a competente & comforteable living, but with 
hard and continual! labor. 

Being thus setled (after many difficulties) they con- 
tinued many years in a comfortable condition, injoying 
much sweete & delightefull societie & spirituall com- 
forte togeather in y® wayes of God, under y*' able minis- 
trie, and prudente govemmente of M'. John Robinson, 
& M^ William Brewster, who was an assistante unto 
him in y® place of an Elder, unto which he was now 
called & chosen by the church. So as they grew in 
knowledge & other gifts & graces of y® spirite of God, 
& lived togeather in peace, & love, and holines; and 
many came unto them from diverse parts of England, 
so as they grew a great congregation. And if at any 
time any differences arose, or offences broak [13] out 
(as it cannot be, but some time ther will, even amongst 
y® best of men) they were ever so mete with, and nipt 
in y*' head betims, or otherwise so well composed, as 
still love, peace, and communion was continued ; or els 
y*' church purged of those that were incurable & incor- 
rigible, when, after much patience used, no other means 
would serve, which seldom came to pass. Yea such 
was y® mutuall love, & reciprocal! respecte that this 
worthy man had to his flocke, and his flocke to him. 

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1609-1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 25 

Borne, that it was hard to judge wheather he delighted 
more in haveing sbuch a people, or they in haveing 
such a pastor. His love was greute towards them, and 
his care was all ways bente for their best good, both 
for soule and body ; for besids his singuler abilities in 
devine things (wherin he excelled), he was also very 
able to give directions in civill affaires, and to foresee 
dangers & inconveniences; by w^^ means he was very 
helpfuU to their outward estats, & so was every way 
as a commone father unto them. And none did more 
offend him then those that were close and cleaving to 
them selves, and retired from y* commoe good ; as also 
such as would be stiffe & riged in matters of outward 
order, and invey against y* evills of others, and yet be 
remisse in them selves, and not so carefull to express 
a vertuous conversation. They in like maner had ever 
a reverente regard unto him, & had him in precious 
estimation, as his worth & wisdom did deserve ; and 
though they esteemed him highly whilst he lived & 
laboured amongst them, yet much more after his death, 
when they came to feele y* wante of his help, and saw 
(by woefuU experience) what a treasure they had lost, 
to y** greefe of their harts, and wounding of their so wis ; 
yea such a loss as they saw could not be repaired ; for 
it was as hard for them to find such another leader 
and feeder in all respects, as for y* Taborits to find 
another Ziska. And though they did not call them- 
selves orphans, as the other did, after his death, yet 

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26 HISTORY OF [chap. IH. 

they had cause as much to lamente, in another regard, 
their present condition, and after usage. But to re- 
tume ; I know not but it may be spoken to y* honour 
of God, & without prejudice [14] to any, that such 
was y* true pietie, y® humble zeale, & fervent love, of 
this people (whilst they thus lived together) towards 
God and his waies, and y^ single hartednes & sinceir 
affection one towards another, that they came as near 
y* primative patteme of y* first churches, as any other 
church of these later times have done, according to 
their ranke & qualitie. 

But seeing it is not my purpose to treat of y* sev- 
erall passages that befell this people whilst they thus 
lived in y* Low Countries, (which might worthily re- 
quire a large treatise of it selfe,) but to make way to 
shew y^ begining of this plantation, which is that I 
aime at; yet because some of their adversaries did, 
upon y^ rumore of their removall, cast out slanders 
against them, as if that state had been wearie of them, 
& had rather driven them out (as y^ heathen histo- 
rians did faine of Moyses & y* Isralits when they 
went out of Egipte), then y* it was their owne free 
choyse & motion, I will therfore mention a perticuler 
or too to shew jr* contrary, and y* good acceptation 
they had in jr* place wher they lived. And first 
though many of them weer poore, yet ther was none 
so poore, but if they were known to be of y* con- 
gregation, the Dutch (either bakers or others) would 

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1609-1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 27 

trust them in any reasonable matter when y^^ wanted 
money. Because they had found by experience how 
carfull they were to keep their word, and saw them so 
painfull & dilligente in their callings ; yea, they would 
strive to gett their custome, and to imploy them above 
others, in their worke, for their honestie & diligence. 
Againe ; y* magistrats of y* citie, aboute y* time of 
their coming away, or a litle before, in y* publick 
place of justice, gave this comendable testemoney of 
them, in y* reproofe of the Wallons, who were of jr* 
French church in y* citie. These English, said they, 
have lived amongst us now this 12. years, and yet we 
never had any sute or accusation came against any of 
them; but your strifs & quarels are continuall, &c. 
In these times allso were jr* great troubls raised by 
y* Arminians, who, as they greatly mollested jr* whole 
state, so this citie in particuler, in which was y® 
cheefe universitie; so as ther were dayly & bote dis- 
puts in y"^ schooles ther aboute ; and as y® studients & 
other lemed were devided in their oppinions hearin, 
so were y* 2. proffessors or devinitie readers them 
selves; the one daly teaching for it, y* other against 
it. Which grew to that pass, that few of the discipls 
of y* one would hear y* other teach. But M'. Rob- 
inson, though he taught thrise a weeke him selfe, & 

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28 HISTORY OP [chap. UI. 

means he was so well grounded in y* controversie, 
and saw y® force of all their arguments, and knew y* 
shifts of y® adversarie, and being him selfe very able, 
none was fitter to buckle with them then him selfe, as 
appered by sundrie disputs; so as he begane to be 
terrible to y* Arminians; which made Episcopius (y* 
Arminian professor) to put forth his best stringth, and 
set forth sundrie Theses, which by publick dispute he 
would defend against all m6n. Now Poliander y® 
other proflfessor, and y® cheefe preachers of y* citie, 
desired M*^. Robinson to dispute against him; but he 
was loath, being a stranger; yet the other did impor- 
tune him, and tould him y* such was y*' abilitie and 
nimblnes of y* adversarie, that y® truth would suflfer 
if he did not help them. So as he condescended, & 
prepared him selfe against the time ; and when y* day 
came, the Lord did so help him to defend y* truth & 
foyle this adversarie, as he put him to an apparent 
nonplus, in this great & publike audience. And y* 
like ho did a 2. or 3. time, upon such like occasions. 
The which as it caused many to praise God y* the 
trueth had so famous victory, so it procured him 
much honour & respecte from those lemed men & 
others which loved y^ trueth. Yea, so farr were they 

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he would, and alowd them some publike favour. Yea 
when ther was speech of their remoovall into these 
parts, sundrie of note & eminencie of y' nation would 
have had them come under them, and for y^ end made 
them large offers. Now though I might aledg many 
other perticulers & examples of y® like kinde, to shew 
y* untruth & unlicklyhode of this slander, yet these 
shall suffice, seeing it was beleeved of few, being only 
raised by y^ malice of some, who laboured their 

The 4. Chap. 

Showing y* reasons & causes of their remoovall. 
After they had lived in this citie about some 11. 
or 12. years, (which is y® more observable being y* 
whole time of y* famose truce between that state & 
y® Spaniards,) and sundrie of them were taken away 
by death, & many others begane to be well striken in 
years, the grave mistris Experience haveing taught 
them many things, [16] those prudent governours with 
sundrie of y** sagest members begane both deeply to 
apprehend their present dangers, & wisely to foresee 
y® future, & thinke of timly remedy. In y* agitation 
of their thoughts, and much discours of things hear 
aboute, at length they began to incline to this conclu- 
sion, of remoovall to some other place. Not out of 
any newfanglednes, or other such like giddie humor, 
by which men are oftentimes transported to their 
great hurt & danger, but for sundrie weightie & solid 

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30 HISTORY OP [chap. IV. 

reasons ; some of y* cheefe of which 1 will hear breefly 
touch. And first, they saw & found by experience the 
hardnes of y® place & countrie to be such, as few in 
comparison would come to them, and fewer that would 
bide it out, and continew with them. For many y* 
came to them, and many more y* desired to be with 
them, could not endure y^ great labor and hard fare, 
with other inconveniences which they underwent & 
were contented with. But though they loved their 
persons, approved their cause, and honoured their suf- 
ferings, yet they left them as it weer weeping, as 
Orpah did her mother in law Naomie, or as those 
Romans did Cato in Utica, who desired to be excused 
& borne with, though they could not all be Catoes. 
For many, though they desired to injoye y® ordinances 
of God in their puritie, and y* libertie of the gospell 
with them, yet, alass, they admitted of bondage, with 
danger of conscience, rather then to indure these hard- 
ships ; yea, some preferred & chose y* prisons in Eng- 
land, rather then this libertie in Holland, with these 
aiflictions. But it was thought that if a better and 
easier place of living could be had, it would draw many, 
& take away these discouragments. Yea, their pastor 
would often say, that many of those w^ both wrate & 
preached now against them, if they were in a place 
wher thev mieht have libertie and live comfortablv. 

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all these difficulties very cherftilly, & with a resolute 
courage^ being in y* best & strength of their years, yet 
old age began to steale on many of them, (and their 
great & continual! labours, with other crosses and sor- 
rows, hastened it before y* time,) so as it was not only 
probably thought, but apparently seen, that within a 
few years more they would be in danger to scatter, by 
necessities pressing them, or sinke under their burdens,, 
or both. And therfore according to y* devine proverb, 
y* a wise man seeth y* plague when it cometh, & hideth 
him selfe. Pro. 22. 3., so they like skillfull & beaten 
souldiers were fearfuU either to be intrapped or sur- 
rounded by their enimies, so as they should neither be 
able to fight nor flie; and therfor thought it better to 
dislodge betimes to some place of better advantage & 
less danger, if any such could be found. [16] Thirdly; 
as necessitie was a taskmaster over them, so they were 
forced to be such, not only to their servants, but in a 
sorte, to their dearest chilldren ; the which as it did not 
a litle wound y* tender harts of many a loving father & 
mother, so it produced likwise sundrie sad & sorowfiil 
effects. For many of their children, that were of best 
dispositions and gracious inclinations, haveing lemde 
to bear y* yoake in their youth, and willing to bear 
parte of their parents burden, were, often times, so 
oppressed with their hevie labours, that though their 
minds were free and willing, yet their bodies bowed 
under y* weight of y* same, and became decreped in 

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32 HISTORY OP [chap. IV. 

their early youth ; the vigor of nature being consumed 
in y« very budd as it were. But that which was more 
lamentable, and of all sorowes most heavie to be borne, 
was that many of their children, by these occasions, 
and y® great licentiousnes of youth in y* countrie, and 
y* manifold temptations of the place, were drawne away 
by evill examples into extravagante & dangerous courses, 
getting j^ raines off their neks, & departing from their 
parents. Some became souldiers, others tooke upon 
them farr viages by sea, and other some worse courses, 
tending to dissolutnes & the danger of their soules, to 
y* great greefe of their parents and dishonour of God. 
So that they saw their posteritie would be in danger 
to degenerate & be corrupted. 

Lastly, (and which was not least,) a great hope & 
inward zeall they had of laying some good foundation, 
or at least to make some way therunto, for y* propagat- 
ing & advancing y® gospell of y*' kingdom of Christ in 
those remote parts of y^ world ; yea, though they should 
be but even as stepping-stones unto others for y* per- 
forming of so great a work. 

These, & some other like reasons, moved them to 
undertake this resolution of their removall ; the which 
they afterward prosecuted with so great diflSculties, as 
by the sequell will appeare. 

The place thev had thou^rhts on was some of those 

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inhabitants, wher ther are only salvage & bratish men, 
which range up and downe, litle otherwise then y* wild 
beasts of the same. This proposition being made pub- 
like and coming to y* scaning of all, it raised many 
variable opinions amongst men, and caused many fears 
& doubts amongst them selves. Some, from their 
reasons & hops conceived, laboured to stirr up & in- 
courage the rest to undertake & prosecute y^ same; 
others, againe, out of their fears, objected against it, 
& sought to diverte from it, aledging many things, and 
those neither unreasonable nor unprobable; as that it 
was a great designe, and subjecte to many unconceivable 
perills & dangers; as, besids the casulties of y^ seas 
(which none can be freed from) the length of y* vioage 
was such, as y^ weake bodys of women and other 
persons worne out with age & traville (as many of 
them were) could never be able to endure. And yet 
if they should, the miseries of y® land which they 
should be [17] exposed unto, would be to hard to be 
borne; and lickly, some or all of them togeither, to 
consume & utterly to ruinate them. For ther they 
should be liable to famine, and nakednes, & y® wante, 
in a maner, of all things. The chang of aire, diate, & 
drinking of water, would infecte their bodies with sore 
sickneses, and greevous diseases. And also those which 

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34 HISTORY OF [chap. IV. 

in their rage, and merciles wher they oyercome; not 
being contente only to kill, & take away life, but delight 
to tormente men in y® most bloodie maner that may be ; 
fleaing some alive with y® shells of fishes, cutting of y* 
members & joynts of others by peesmeale, and broiling 
on y* coles, eate y* oollops of their flesh in their sight 
whilst they live; with other cruelties horrible to be 
related. And surely it could not be thought but y* 
very hearing of these things could not but move y* 
very bowels of men to grate within them, and make 
y* weake to quake & tremble. It was fiirder objected, 
that it would require greater sumes of money to furnish 
such a voiage, and to fitt them with necessaries, then 
their consumed estats would amounte too; and yett 
they must as well looke to be seconded with supplies, 
as presently to be trasported. Also many presidents 
of ill success, & lamentable misseries befalne others in 
the like designes, were easie to be found, and not for- 
gotten to be aledged; besids their owne experience, 
in their former troubles & hardships in their removall 
into Holand, and how hard a thing it was for them to 
live in that strange place, though it was a neighbour 
countrie, & a civill and rich comone wealth. 

It was answered, that all great & honourable actions 
are accompanied with great difficulties, and must be 
both enterprised and overcome with answerable cour- 
ages. It was granted y® dangers were great, but not 
desperate ; the difficulties were many, but not invincible. 

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For though their were many of them likly, yet they 
were not cartaine; it might be sundrie of y^ things 
feared might never befale; others by providente care 
& y* use of good means, might in a great measure be 
prevented; and all of them, through y* help of God, 
by fortitude and patience, might either be borne, or 
overcome. True it was, that such atempts were not 
to be made and undertaken without good ground & 
reason; not rashly or lightly as many have done for 
curiositie or hope of gaine, &c. But their condition 
was not ordinarie ; their ends were good & honourable ; 
their calling lawfull, & urgente ; and therfore they might 
ezpecte y* blessing of God in their proceding. Yea, 
though they should loose their lives in this action, yet 
might they have comforte in the same, and their en- 
deavors would be honourable. They lived hear but 
as men in exile, & in a poore condition ; and as great 
miseries might possibly befale them in this place, for 
y* 12. years of truce were now out, & ther was nothing 
but beating of drumes, and preparing for warr, the 
events wherof are all way uncertaine. Y® Spaniard 
might prove as cruell as [18] the salvages of America, 
and y^ famine and pestelence as sore hear as ther, & 
their libertie less to looke out for remedie. After 
many other perticuler things answered & aledged on 
both sids, it was fiilly concluded by y* major parte, 
to put this designe in execution, and to prosecute it 
by the best means they could. 

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36 HISTORY OP [chap. V. 

The 5. Chap. 

Shewing whaJt means they used for preparation to this 
waightie vioag. 
And first after thir humble praiers unto God for his 
direction & assistance, & a generall conferrence held 
hear aboute, they consulted what perticuler place to 
pitch upon, & prepare for. Some (& none of y* 
meanest) had thoughts & were emest for Guiana, or 
some of those fertill places in those hott climats; 
others were for some parts of Virginia, wher y* 
English had all ready made enterance, & begining. 
Those for Guiana aledged y* the cuntrie was rich, 
fniitfiill, & blessed with a perpetuall spring, and a 
florishing greenes; where vigorous nature brought 
forth all things in abundance & plentie without any 
great labour or art of man. So as it must needs 
make y® inhabitants rich, seing less provisions of cloth- 
ing and other things would serve, then in more coulder 
& less frutfiill countries must be had. As also y* the 
Spaniards (having much more then they could possess) 
had not yet planted there, nor any where very near 
y* same. But to this it was answered, that out of 

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y^ such hott countries are subject to greevuos diseases, 
and many noysome impediments, which other more 
temperate places are freer from, and would not so 
well agree with our English bodys. Againe, if they 
should ther live, & doe well, the jealous Spaniard 
would never suffer them long, but would displante 
or overthrow them, as he did y* French in Florida, 
who were seated furder from his richest countries; 
and the sooner because they should have none to 
protect them, & their owne strength would be too 
smale to resiste so potent an enemie, & so neare a 

On y* other hand, for Virginia it was objected, that 
if they lived among y* English w** wear ther planted, 
or so near them as to be under their goverment, they 
should be in as great danger to be troubled and per- 
secuted for the cause of religion, as if they lived in 
England, and it might be worse. And if they lived 
too farr of, they should neither have succour, nor de- 
fence from them. 

But at length y^ conclusion was, to live as a dis- 
tincte body by them selves, under y® generall Gover- 
ment of Virginia ; and by their freinds to sue to his 
majestic that he would be pleased to grant them free- 
dome of Religion ; and y* this might be obtained, they 
wear putt in good hope by some great persons, of 
good ranke & qualitie, that were made their freinds. 
Whereupon 2. were chosen [19] & sent in to England 

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88 HISTORY OP [chap. V. 

(at y* charge of y* rest) to soUioite this matter, who 
found the Virginia Company very desirous to have 
them goe thither, and willing to grante them a patent, 
with as ample priviliges as they had, or could grant 
to any, and to give them the best furderance they 
could. And some of y* cheefe of y* company douted 
not to obtaine their suite of y® king for liberty in Re- 
ligion, and to have it confirmed under y^ kings broad 
seale, according to their desires. But it prooved a 
harder peece of worke then they tooke it for; for 
though many means were used to bring it aboute, yet 
it could not be effected; for ther were diverse of 
good worth laboured with the king to obtaine it, 
(amongst whom was one of his cheefe secretaries,*) 
and some other wrought with y* archbishop to give 
way therunto ; but it proved all in vaine. Yet thus 
fitrr they prevailed, in sounding his majesties mind, 
that he would connive at them, & not molest them, 
provided they carried them selves peacably. But to 
allow or tolerate them by his publick authoritie, under 
his seale, they found it would not be. And this was 
all the cheefe of y* Virginia companie or any other of 
their best freinds could doe in y*' case. Yet they per- 
s waded them to goe on, for they presumed they 
should not be troubled. And with this answer y* mes- 

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But this made a dampe in y^ busines, and caused 
some distraction, for many were afraid that if they 
should unsetle them selves, & put of their estates, 
and goe upon these hopes, it might prove dangerous, 
and but a sandie foundation. Yea, it was thought 
they might better have presumed hear upon without 
makeing any suite at all, then, haveing made it, to be 
thus rejected. But some of y® cheefest thought other 
wise, and y* they might well proceede hereupon, & 
that y® kings majestic was willing enough to suffer 
them without molestation, though for other reasons he 
would not confirme it by any publick acte. And fiir- 
dermore, if ther was no securitie in this promise inti- 
mated, ther would be no great certainty in a furder 
confirmation of y* same ; for if after wards ther should 
be a purpose or desire to wrong them, though they 
had a scale as broad as y^ house flore, it would not 
serve y* tume; for ther would be means enew found 
to recall or reverse it. Seeing therfore the course 
was probable, they must rest herein on Grods provi- 
dence, as they had done in other things. 

Upon this resolution, other messengers were dis- 
patched, to end with y® Virginia Company as well as 
they could. And to procure [20] a patent with as 
good and ample conditions as they might by any good 
means obtaine. As also to treate and conclude with 

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40 HISTORY OP [chap. V. 

vioage. For which end they had instractions given 
them upon what conditions they should proceed with 
them, or els to conclude nothing without further ad- 
vice. And here it will be requisite to inserte a letter 
or too that may give light to these proceedings. 

A coppie of leter from S^: Edwin Sands^ directed to M'. John 
Bobinson & M^. WiUiam Brewster, 

After my hartie salutations. The agents of your congre- 
gation, Robert Cushman & John Carver, have been in 
comunication with diverse selecte gentlemen of his Majesties 
Counsell for Virginia ; and by y* writing of 7. Articles sub- 
scribed with your names, have given them y^ good degree of 
satisfaction, which hath caried them on with a resolution to 
sett forward your desire in y* best sorte y' may be, for your 
owne & the publick good. Divers perticulers wherof we leave 
to their faithfull reporte ; having carried them selves heere with 
that good discretion, as is both to their owne and their credite 
from whence they came. And wheras being to treate for a 
multitude of people, they have requested further time to con- 
ferr with them that are to be interessed in this action, aboute 
y* severall particularities which in y* prosecution therof will 
fall out considerable, it hath been very willingly assented too. 
And so they doe now retume unto you. If therfore it may 
please God so to directe your desires as that on your parts 
ther fall out no just impediments, I trust by y* same direction 
it shall likewise appear, that on our parte, all forwardnes to 
set you forward shall be found in y* best sorte which with 
reason may be expected. And so I betake you with this 
designe (w^* I hope verily is y* worke of God), to the gracious 
protection and blessing of y* Highest. 

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Their answer wcu (u foloweth. 

Righte Woi*^ : 

Our humble duties remembred, in our owne, our messengers, 
and our churches name, with all thankfull acknowledgmente 
of your singuler love, expressing [21] itselfe, as otherwise, so 
more spetially in your great care and earnest endeavor of our 
good in this weightie bussines aboute Virginia, which y* less 
able we are to requite, we shall thinke our selves the more 
bound to comend in our prayers unto Grod for recompence ; 
whom, as for y* presente you rightly behould in our indeavors, 
so shall we not be wanting on our parts (the same Grod assist- 
ing us) to returne all answerable fruite, and respecte unto y* 
labour of your love bestowed upon us. We have with y* best 
speed and consideration withall that we could, sett downe our 
requests in writing, subscribed, as you willed, w^ the hands of 
y* greatest parte of our congregation, and have sente y® same 
unto y* Counsell by our agente, & a deacon of our church, 
John Carver, unto whom we have also requested a gentleman 
of our company to adyone him selfe ; to the care & discretion 
of which two, we doe referr y* prosecuting of y* bussines. 
Now we perswade our selves Right Wor^**: that we need not 
provoke your godly & loving minde to any further or more 
tender care of us, since you have pleased so farr to interest us 
in your selfe, that, under God, above all persons and things 
in the world, we relye upon you, expecting the care of your 
love, counsell of your wisdome, & the help & countenance of 
your authority. Notwithstanding, for your encouragmente in 
y* worke, so farr as probabilities may leade, we will not for- 
beare to mention these instances of indusmente. 

1. We veryly beleeve & trust y* Lord is with us, unto whom 
& whose service we have given our selves in many trialls ; and 
that he will graciously prosper our indeavours according to y* 
simplicitie of our harts therin. 

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42 HISTORY OF [chap. V. 

2^. We are well weaned from y* delicate mllke of oar mother 
ooantrie, and enured to y* difficulties of a strange and hard 
land, which yet in a great parte we have by patience overcome. 

8^. The people are for the body of them, industrious, & 
frugall, we thlnke we may safly say, as any company of people 
in the world. 

4^^. We are knite togeather as a body in a most stricte & 
sacred bond and coveuante of the Lord, of the violation* 
wherof we make great conscience, and by veitue wherof we 
doe hould our selves straitly tied to all care of each others 
good, and of y* whole by every one and so mutually. 

5. Lastly, it is not with us as with other men, whom small 
things can discourage, or small discontentments cause to wish 
them selves at home againe. -We knowe our entertainmente in 
England, and in Holand; we shall much prejudice both our 
arts & means by removall ; who, if we should be driven to 
returne, we should not hope to recover our present helps and 
comforts, neither indeed looke ever, for our selves, to attaine 
unto y* like in any other place during our lives, w^ are now 
drawing towards their periods. 

[22] These motives we have been bould to tender unto you, 

« , 

* NoTB. — sftcred bond, whilst inriollablj preserred! how sweete and 
predouB were the fruits that flowed from y* same, but when this fidelity de- 
cayed, then their mine approached. that these andente members had not 
dyed, or been dissipated, (if it had been the will of God) or els that this holy 
care and constante faithfallnes had still lived, and remained with those that 
sniriTed, and were in times afterwards added nnto them. Bat (alass) that sub- 
till serpente hath slylie wound in himselfe under faire pretences of necessitie 
and y* like, to untwiste these sacred bonds and tyes, and as it were insensibly 
by degrees to dissolve, or in a great measure to weaken, y* same. I have been 
happy, in my first times, to see, and with much comforte to injoye, the blessed 
fruits of this sweete communion, but it is now a parte of my miseiie in old age, 
to find and feele y* decay and wante therof (in a great measure), and with 
greefe and sorrow of hart to lamente & bewaile j* same. And for others warn- 
ing and admonnition, and my owne humiliation, doe I hear note y« same. 

[The above reflections of the author were penned at a later period, on the 
reverse pages of his History, at this place.] 

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which yoa in your wisdome may also imparte to any other our 
wor"*: freinds of y* Coansell with you ; of all whose godly dis- 
possition and loving towards our despised persons, we are most 
glad, & shall not faile by all good means to continue & in- 
crease y* same. We will not be further troublesome, but doe, 
with y* renewed remembrance of our humble duties to your 
Wor»*P: and (so farr as in modestie we may be bould) to any 
other of our wellwillers of the Counsell with you, we take our 
leaves, comiting your persons and counsels to y* guidance and 
direction of the Almighty. 

Yours much bounden in all duty, 
Leyden, Desem : 15. John Robinson, 

An": 1617. William Brewstbb. 

For farther light in these proceedings see some other 
letters & notes as followeth. 

The coppy of a letter sent to 5^. John Worseenham. 

Right Wori"": with due acknowledgmente of our thankfuUnse 
for your singular care & pains in the bussines of Virginia, for 
our, &, we hope, the comone good, we doe remember our 
humble dutys unto you, and have sent inclosed, as is required, 
a further explanation of our judgments in the 3. points specified 
by some of his majesties Hon*^^ Privie Counsell ; and though it 
be greevious unto us that such unjust insinuations are made 
against us, yet we are most glad of y* occasion of making our 
Just purgation unto so honourable personages. The declara- 
tions we have sent inclosed, the one more breefe Sc generall, 
which we thinke y* fitter to be presented ; the other something 
more large, and in which we express some smale accidentall 
differances, which if it seeme good unto you and other of our 
wor**^ freinds, you may send in stead of y* former. Our prayers 
unto Grod is, y' your Wor"* may see the frute of your worthy 

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44 HISTORY OF [chap. V» 

endeaoars, which on our parts we shall not falle to forder by 
all good means in us. And so praing y' you would please with 
y* convenientest speed y* may be, to give us knowledge of y* 
success of y^ bussines with his majesties Privie Counsell, and 
accordingly what your further pleasure is, either for our direo^ 
tion or furtherance in y* same, so we rest 

Your Wor** in all duty, 
Leyden, Jan : 27. John Robinson, 

An^: 1617. old stile. William Brbwstbb. 

The first breefe note was this. 

Touching y* Ecclesiasticall ministrie, namly of pastores for 
teaching, elders for ruling, & deacons for distributing y^ 
churches contribution, as allso for y* too Sacrements, bap- 
tisme, and y* Lords supper, we doe wholy and in all points- 
agree [23] with y* French reformed churches, according to- 
their publick confession of faith. 

The oath of Supremacie we shall willingly take if it be 

required of us, and that conveniente satisfaction be not given. 

by our taking y* oath of Alleagence. 

John Rob: 

William Brewster. 

r* 2. w(M this. 

Touching y^ Ecclesiasticall ministrie, Ac. as in y* former,- 
we agree in all things with the French reformed churches, 
according to their publick confession of faith; though some 
small differences be to be found in our practises, not at all 
in y* substance of the things, but only in some accidental! 

1. As first, their ministers doe pray with their heads cov- 
ered ; ours uncovered. 

2. We chose none for Governing Elders but such as are^ 
able to teach ; which abilitie they doe not require. 

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3. Their eiders Sc deacons are anHall, or at most for 2. or 
8. years ; ours perpetaall. 

4. Our elders doe administer their ofl9ce in admonitions & 
excommunications for publick scandals, publickly & before 
y* congregation ; theirs more privately, & in their consistories. 

5. We doe administer baptisme only to such infants as 
wherof y* one parente, at y* least, is of some church, which 
some of ther churches doe not observe ; though in it our prac- 
tice accords with their publick confession and y* Jndgmente of 
y* most lamed amongst them. 

Other differences, worthy mentioning, we know none in these 
points. Then aboute y* oath, as in y* former. 

Subscribed, John B. 

W. B. 

Part of another letter from him thai delivered these. 

London. Feb : 14. 
Your letter to S'. John Worstenholme I delivered allmost 
as soone as I had it, to his owne hands, and staid with him 
y* opening & reading. Ther were 2. papers inclosed, he read 
them to him selfe, as also y* letter, and in y* reading he spake 
to me & said, Who shall make them? viz. y* ministers; I 
answered his Wor**** that y* power of making was in y* church, 
to be ordained by y* imposition of hands, by y* fittest instru- 
ments they had. It must either be in y* church or from y* 
pope, & y* pope is Antichrist. Ho! said S^ John, what y* 
pope houlds good, (as in y* Trinitie,) that we doe well to 
assente too ; but, said he, we will not enter into dispute now. 
And as for your letters he would not show them at any hand, 
least he should spoyle all. He expected you should have been 

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46 HISTORY OF [chap. V» 

I asked his Woif what good news he had for me to write to- 
morrow. He tould me very good news, for both the kings 
majestie and y* bishops have consented. He said he woold 
goe to M'. Chancelor, S'. Falk Grivell, as this day, & nexte 
weeke I should know more. I mett S^ Edw : Sands on Wedens- 
day night ; he wished me to be at the Virginia Courte y* nexte 
Wedensday, wher I purpose to be. Thus loath to be troubl- 
some at present, I hope to have somewhate nexte week of 
certentie concerning you. I comitte you to y* Lord. Yours, 

S. B. 

[24] These things being long in agitation, & mes- 
sengers passing too and againe aboute them, after all 
their hopes they were long delayed by many rubs that 
fell in y* way; for at y® retume of these messengers 
into England they found things farr otherwise then 
they expected. For y* Virginia Counsell was now so 
disturbed with factions and quarrels amongst them 
selves, as no bussines could well goe forward. The 
which may the better appear in one of ye messengers 
letters as foUoweth. 

To his loving freinds, &c. 
I had thought long since to have write unto you, but could 
not effecte y' which I aimed at, neither can yet sett things as 
I wished ; yet, notwithstanding, I doubt not but M'. B. hath 
writen to M'. Robinson. But I thinke my selfe bound also 
to doe something, least I be thought to neglecte you. The 

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ever since we oame up no busines could by them be dis- 
patched. The occasion of this troable amongst them is, for 
tiiat a while since S^ Thomas Smith, repining at his many 
offices Sc troabls, wished y* Company of Virginia to ease him 
of his office in being Treasurer & Grover'. of y* Virginia Com- 
pany. Wereupon y* Company tooke occasion to dismisse him, 
and chose S'. Edwin Sands Treasure' A Gover' of y* Company. 
He having 60. voyces, S'. John Worstenholme 16. voices, and 
Alderman Johnsone 24. But S'. Thomas Smith, when he saw 
some parte of his honour lost, was very angrie, & raised a 
faction to cavill & contend aboute y* election, and sought to 
taxe S'. Edwin with many things that might both disgrace him, 
and allso put him by his office of Govemour. In which con- 
tentions they yet stick, and are not fit nor readie to intermedle 
in any bussines ; and what issue things will come to we are 
not yet certaine. It is most like S^ Edwin will carrie it away, 
and if he doe, things will goe well in Virginia ; if otherwise, 
they will goe ill enough allways. We hope in some 2. or 8. 
Court days things will setle. Mean space I thinke to goe 
downe into Kente, & come up againe aboute 14. days, or 3. 
weeks hence; except either by these afiforesaid contentiohs, 
or by y* ille tidings from Virginia, we be wholy discouraged, 
of which tidings I am now to speake. 

Captaine ArgoU is come home this weeke (he upon notice 
of y* intente of y* Counsell, came away before S^ Georg 
Yeardley came ther, and so ther is no small dissention) . But 
his tidings are ill, though his person be wellcome. He saith 
W, Blackwells shipe came not ther till March, but going 
towards winter, they had still norwest winds, which carried 
them to the southward beyond their course. And y* m' of 
y* ship So some 6. of y* mariners dicing, it seemed they could 
not find y* bay, till after long seeking & beating aboute. M'. 
Blackwell is dead, & M^ Maggner, y* Captain ; yea, ther are 
dead, he saith, 130. persons, one A other in y^ ship ; it is said 

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48 msTORr op [chap. v. 

ther was in all an 180. persons in y* ship, so as they were 
packed togeather like herings. They had amongst them y* 
fluxe, and allso wante of fresh water ; so as it is hear rather 
wondred at y' so many are alive, then that so many are dead. 
The marchants hear say it was M^ Blackwells f aulte to pack 
so many in y* ship ; yea, & ther were great mutterings & repin- 
ings amongst them, and upbraiding of M^ Blackwell, for his 
dealing and dispossing of them, when they saw how he had 
dispossed of them, & how he insulted over them. Yea, y* 
streets at Gravsend runge of their extreame quarrelings, cry- 
ing out one of another. Thou hast brought me to this, and, I 
may thanke the for this. Heavie newes it is, and I would be 
glad to heare how farr it will discourage. I see none hear dis- 
couraged much, [25] but rather desire to lame to beware by 
other mens harmes, and to amend that wherin they have failed. 
As we desire to serve one another in love, so take heed of 
being inthraled by any imperious persone, espetially if they be 
discerned to have an eye to them selves. It doth often trouble 
me to thinke that in this bussines we are all to learne and none 
to teach ; but better so, then to depend upon such teachers as 
M'. Blackwell was. Such a strategeme he once made for M^ 
Johnson & his people at Emden, w^** was their subversion. But 
though he ther clenlily (yet unhonstly) plucked his neck out 
of y* collar, yet at last his foote is caught. Hear are no 
letters come, y^ ship captain Argole came in is yet in y'' west 
parts ; all y' we hear is but his report ; it seemeth he came 
away secretly. The ship y* M'. Blackwell went in will be hear 
shoi-tly. It is as M^ Robinson once said ; he thought we should 
hear no good of them. 

M*^. B. is not well at this time ; whether he will come back 
to you or goe into y* north, I yet know not. For my selfe, 
I hope to see an end of this bussines ere I come, though I am 

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God directe us, and give us that spirite which is fitting for 
such a bussines. Thus having sumarily pointed at things w^ 
M'. Brewster (I thinke) hath more iargly write of to M'. Robin- 
son, I leave you to the Lords protection. 

Yours in all readines, &c. London, May 8. 


A word or tow by way of digression touching this 
M'. Blackwell ; he was an elder of y* church at Am- 
sterdam, a man well known of most of them. He 
declined from y* trueth w"* M*". Johnson & y* rest, 
and went with him when y*^ parted assunder in y* 
wofiill manor, w^ brought so great dishonour to God, 
scandall to y* trueth, & outward mine to them selves 
in this world. But I hope, notwithstanding, through 
y* mercies of y* Lord, their. souls are now at rest with 
him in y® heavens, and y* they are arrived in y* Ebven 
of hapines ; though some of their bodies . were thus 
buried in y* terrable seas, and others sunke under y* 
burthen of bitter afflictions. He with some others had 
prepared for to goe to Virginia. And he, with sundrie 
godly citizens, being at a private meeing (I take it a 
fast) in London, being discovered, many of them were 
apprehended, wherof M'. Blackwell was one ; but he 
so glosed w**^ y® bps,* and either dissembled or flatly 
denyed y* trueth which formerly he had maintained; 
and not only so, but very unworthily betrayed and 
accused another godly man who had escaped, that so 

• Bishops. 

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[chap. V. 

he might slip his own neck out of y' collar, & to 
obtaine his owne freedome brought others into bonds. 
Wherupon he so wone y* b^s favour (but lost y^ Lord's) 
as he was not only dismiste, but in open courte y' arch- 
bishop gave him great applause and his soUemne bless- 
ing to proseed in his vioage. But if such events follow 
y* bps blessing, happie are they y* misse y* same; it 
is much better to keepe a good conscience and have 
y* Lords blessing, whether in life or death. 

But see how y^ man thus apprehended by M'. Black- 
wells means, writs to a freind of his. 

Right dear freind & christian brother, Jlf^ Garver^ I salate 
you & yours in y^ Lord, &c. As for my owne presente con- 
dition, I doubt not but you well understand it ere this by our 
brother Maistersone, who should have tasted of y* same cupp, 
had his place of residence & his person been as well knowne 
as my selfe/ Some what I have written to M", Cushman how 
y* matter stiU continues. I have petitioned twise to M'. Sherives, 
and once to my Lord Cooke, and have used such reasons to 
move them to pittie, that if they were not overruled by some 
others, I suppose I should soone gaine my libertie ; as that I 
was a yonge man living by my [26] credite, indebted to diverse 
in our citie, living at more then ordinarie charges in a close & 
tedious prison ; besids great rents abroad, all my bussines lying 
still, my only sei'vante lying lame in y* countrie, my wife being 
also great with child. And yet no answer till y* lords of his 
majesties Counsell gave consente. Howbeit, M'. Blackwell, a 
man as deepe in this action as I, was delivered at a cheaper 

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them, before their going, were not sorie, but thoaght it was for 
J* best that I was nominated, not because y* Lord sanctifies evill 
to good, bat that y* action was good, yea for y* best. One 
reason 1 well remember he used was, because this trouble 
would encrease y* Virginia plantation, in that now people be- 
gane to be more generally inclined to goe ; and if he had not 
nomminated some such as I, he had not bene free, being it was 
knowne that diverse citizens besids them selves were ther 
I expecte an answer shortly what they intende conscerning 
me ; I purpose- to write to some others of you, by whom you 
shall know the certaintie. Thus not haveing further at present 
to acquaint yon withall, comending myselfe to your prairs, I 
cease, & comitte yon and us all to y* Lord. 

From my chamber in Wodstreete Compter. 

Your freind, & brother in bonds, 

Sabik Stareshobb. 

Sept': 4. An*: 1618. 

But thus much by y® way, which may be of instruc- 
tion & good use. 

But at last, after all these things, and their long 
attendance, they had a patent granted them, and con- 
firmed under y® Companies scale; but these devissions 
and distractions had shaken of many of ther pretended 
freinds, and disappointed them of much of their hoped 
for & proffered means. By the advise of some freinds 
this pattente was not taken in y^ name of any of their 
owne, but in y* name of M^ John Wincob (a religious 

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52 msTORY OP [chap. n. 

which had cost them so much labour and charge, as by 
y* sequell will appeare. This patente being sente over 
for them to veiw & consider, as also the passages aboute 
y^ propossitions between them & such marchants & 
freinds as should either goe or adventure with them, 
and espetially with those * on whom y*^ did cheefly de- 
pend for shipping and means, whose proffers had been 
large, they were requested to fitt and prepare them 
selves with all speed. A right emblime, it may be, 
of y^ uncertine things of this world ; y^ when men have 
toy Id them selves for them, they vanish into smoke. 

The 6. Chap. 

Oonaceming y* agreements and articklea between them^ 
and fmch marchants <& others as adventured moneys; 
with other things faUing out aboute making their 

Upon y* receite of these things by one of their mes- 
sengers, they had a soUemne meeting and a day of 
humilliation to seeke y* Lord for his direction; and 
their pastor tooke this texte, 1 Sam. 23. 3, 4. And 
David^s men said unto him^ see^ we be afraid hear in 
Judahy how much more if we come to Keilah against 
V* host of the Phillistinesf Then David asked counseU 

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occasion and condition, strengthing them against their 
fears and perplexities, and incouraging them in their 
resolutions. [27] After which they concluded both 
what number and what persons should prepare them 
selves to goe with y* first; for all y* were willing to 
have gone could not gett ready for their other affairs 
in so shorte a time; neither if all could have been 
ready, had ther been means to have tr&sported them 
alltogeather. Those that staled being y® greater num- 
ber required y* pastor to stay with them ; and indeede 
for other reasons he could not then well goe, and so 
it was y® more easilie yeelded unto. The other then 
desired y* elder, M'. Brewster, to goe with them, which 
was also condescended unto. It was also agreed on 
by mutuall consente and covenante, that those that 
went should be an absolute church of them selves, 
as well as those y^ staid; seing in such a dangrous 
vioage, and a removall to such a distance, it might 
come to pass they should (for y® body of them) never 
meete againe in this world ; yet with this proviso, that 
as any of y* rest came over to them, or of y® other 
returned upon occasion, they should be reputed as mem- 
bers without any further dismission or testimoniall. 
It was allso promised to those y* wente first, by y* 
body of y* rest, that if y® Lord gave them life, & meas, 
& opportunitie, they would come to them as soone as 
they could. 

Aboute this time, whilst they were perplexed with 

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54 HISTORY or [chap. VI. 

y® proseedings of y* Virginia Company, & y® ill news 
from thence aboute M'. Blackwell & his company, and 
making inquirey about y® hiring & baying of shiping 
for their vioage, some Dutchmen made them faire offers 
aboute goeing with them. Also one M'. Thomas Weston, 
a m'chant of London, came to Leyden aboute y® same 
time, (who was well aquainted with some of them, and 
a fiirtherer of them in their former proseedings,) have- 
ing much conferance w**^ M'. Robinson & other of y* 
cheefe of them, perswaded them to goe on (as it seems) 
& not to medle with y® Dutch, or too much to depend 
on y® Virginia Company ; for if that failed, if they came 
to resolution, he and such marchants as were his freinds 
(togeather with their owne means) would sett them 
forth; and they should make ready, and neither feare 
wante of shipping nor money; for what they wanted 
should be provided. And, not so much for him selfe 
as for y* satisfing of such frends as he should procure 
to adventure in this bussines, they were to draw such 
articls of agreemente, and make such propossitions, as 
might y® better induce his freinds to venture. Upon 
which (after y* formere conclusion) articles were drawne 
& agreed unto, and were showne unto him, and approved 
by him ; and afterwards by their messenger (M'. John 

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according to y^ former articles. Also some were chossen 
to doe y^ like for sadi things as were to be prepared 
there ; so those that weare to goe, prepared them selves 
with all speedy and sould of their estats and (such as 
were a*ble) put in their moneys into y* commone stock, 
which was disposed by those appointed, for y* making 
of generall provissions. Aboute this time also they 
had heard, both by M^ Weston and others, y* sundrie 
Hon**^: Lords had obtained a large grante from y* king, 
for y* more northerly parts of that countrie, derived 
out of y* Virginia patente, and wholy secluded from 
their Govermente, and to be called by another name, 
viz. New-England. Unto which M'. Weston, and y* 
cheefe of them, begane to incline it was [28] best for 
them to goe, as for other reasons, so cheefly for y* hope 
of present profite to be made by y* fishing that was 
found in y* countrie. 

But as in all bussineses y® acting parte is most diffi- 
culte, espetially wher y® worke of many agents must 
concurr, so it was found in this; for«some of those 
y* should have gone in England, fell of & would not 
goe; other marchants & freinds y^ had offered to ad- 
venture their moneys withdrew, and pretended many 
excuses. Some disliking they wente not to Guiana; 
others againe would adventure nothing excepte they 
wente to Virginia. Some againe (and those that were 
most relied on) fell in utter dislike with Virginia, and 
would doe nothing if they wente thither. In y*' midds 

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56 msTOBr of [chap. vi. 

of these distractions, they of Leyden, who had put of 
their estats, and laid out their moneys, were brought 
into a greate streight, fearing what issue these things 
would come too ; but at length y* generalitie was swaid 
to this latter opinion. 

But now another difficultie arose, for M'. Weston 
and some other that were for this course, either for 
their better advantage or rather for y* drawing on of 
others, as they pretended, would have some of those 
conditions altered y* were first agreed on at Leyden. 
To which y* 2. agents sent from Leyden (or at least 
one of them who is most charged with it) did con- 
sente; seeing els y^ all was like to be dashte, & 
y* opportunitie lost, and y* they which had put of 
their estats and paid in their moneys were in hazard 
to be undon. They presumed to conclude with y* 
marchants on those termes, in some things contrary 
to their order & comission, and without giving them 
notice of y* same ; yea, it was conceled least it should 
make any furder delay; which was y* cause afterward 
of much trouble & contention. 

It will be meete I here inserte these conditions, 
which are as foloweth. 

An«: ,1620. July 1. 

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2. That he that goeth in person, and furnisheth him selfe 
out with 10*. either in money or other provissions, be aocoanted 
as haveing 2(^. in stock, and in y* devission shall receive a 
doable share. 

8. The persons transported & y* adventurers shall continue 
their joynt stock & partnership togeather, y* space of 7. years, 
(excepte some unexpected impedimente doe cause y* whole 
company to agree otherwise,) during which time, all profits & 
benifits that are gott by trade, traffick, trucking, working, fish- 
ing, or any other means of any person or persons, remaine still 
in y* comone stock untill y* division. 

4. That at their coining ther, they chose out such a number 
pf fitt persons, as may furnish their ships and boats for fishing 
upon y* sea ; imploying the rest in their severall faculties upon 
y* land ; as building houses, tilling, and planting y* ground, 
& makeing shuch comodities as shall be most usefull for y* 

6. That at y* end of y* 7. years, y* capitall & profits, viz. 
the houses, lands, goods and chatles, be equally devided be* 
twixte y* adventurers, and planters; w** done, every man 
shall be free from other of them of any debt or detrimente 
concerning this adventure. 

[29] 6. Whosoever cometh to y* colonic herafter, or putteth 
any into y* stock, shall at the ende of y* 7. years be alowed 
proportionably to y* time of his so doing. 

7. He that shall carie his wife & children, or servants, shall 
be alowed for eveiie person now aged 16. years <Sb upward, a 
single share in y* de vision, or if he provid them necessaries, 
a duble share, or if they be between 10. year old and 16., then 
2. of them to be reconed for a person, both in trasportation 
and de vis ion. 

8. That such children as now goe, & are under y* age of 
ten years, have noe other shar in y* devision, but 50. acers of 
unmanured land. 

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58 HISTORY OF [chap. VI. 

9. That such persons as die before y* 7. years be expired, 
their executors to have their parte or sharr at y* devision, pro- 
portionably to y* time of their life in y* coUonie. 

10. That all such persons as are of this collonie, are to have 
their meate, dnnk, apparell, and all provissions out of y* comon 
stock & goods of y* said collonie. 

The cheefe & principall differences betwene these & 
the former conditions, stood in those 2. points; that 
y^ houses, & lands improved, espetialy gardens & home 
lotts should remaine undevided wholy to y® planters 
at y* 7. years end. 2^, y* they should have had 2. 
days in a weeke for their owne private imploymente, 
for y* more comforts of them selves and their families, 
espetialy such as had families. But because letters 
are by some wise men counted y* best parte of histories, 
I shall shew their greevances hereaboute by their owne 
letters, in which y* passages of things will be more 
truly discerned. 

A letter of JT". Bobinaons to John Carver. 

June 14. 1620. N. StUe. 
My dear freind & brother, whom with yours I alwaise re- 
member in my best affection, and whose wellfare I shall never 
cease to comend to God by my best & most earnest praires. 
You doe throwly understand by our generall letters y* estate 
of things hear, which indeed is very pitif ull ; espetialy by wante 
of shiping, and not seeing means lickly, much less certaine, of 

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man pi^esamed of I know not how many 100^. from him, & 
I know not whom. Yet it seems strange y* we should be pat 
to him to receive both his & his partners ad venter, and yet 
M^ Weston write onto him, y' in regard of it, he hath drawue 
upon him a lOO**. more. But ther is in this some misterie, 
as indeed it seems ther is in y* whole coufse. Besids, wheras 
diverse are to pay in some parts of their moneys yet behinde, 
they refuse to doe it, till they see shiping provided, or a course 
taken for it. Neither doe I thinke is ther a man hear would 
pay any thing, if he had againe his money in his purse. You 
know right well we depended on M'. Weston alone, and upon 
such means as he would procure for this commone bussines ; 
and when we had in hand another course with y* Dutchmen, 
broke it of at his motion, and upon y* conditions by him shortly 
after propounded. He did this in his love I know, but things 
appeare not answerable from him hitherto. That he should 
have first have put in his moneys, is thought by many to have 
been but fitt, but y' I can well excuse, he being a marchaute 
and haveing use of it to his benefite ; wheras others, if it had 
been in their hands, would have consumed it. [30] But y^ he 
should not but have had either shipping ready before this time, 
or at least certaine means, and course, and y* same knowne to 
us for it, or have taken other order otherwise, cannot in my 
conscience be excuseoT. I have heard y* when he hath been 
moved in the bussines, he hath put it of from him selfe, and 
referred it to y* others ; • and would come to Georg Morton, 
& enquire news of him aboute things, as if he had scarce been 
some accessarie unto it. Wether he hath failed of some helps 
from others which he expected, and so be not well able to goe 
through with things, or whether he hath feared least you should 
be ready too soone & so encrease y* charge of shiping above 
y* is meete, or whether he have thought by withhoulding to put 

* TowCherM in the nuuiascript, an illegibly written word, donbtlesB intended 

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60 HISTORY OF [chap. VL 

US upon sti'aits, thinking y* therby M'. Brewer and M'. Picker- 
ing would be drawne by importunitie to doe more, or what 
other misterie is in it, we know not ; but sure we are y^ things 
are not answerable to such an occasion. M'. Weston maks 
himselfe mery with our endeavora about buying a ship, but 
we have done nothing in this but with good reason, as I am 
perswaded, nor yet that I know in any thing els, save in those 
tow ; y* one, that we imployed Robart Cushman, who is known 
(though a good man, & of spetiall abilities in his kind, yet) 
most unfitt to deale for other men, by reason of his singularitie, 
and too great indifferancie for any conditions, and for (to speak 
truly) that* we have had nothing from him but termes & pre- 
sumptions. The other, y' we have so much relyed, by implicite 
faith as it were, upon generalities, without seeing y* perticuler 
courae & means for so waghtie an affaire set down unto us. 
For shiping, M'. Weston, it should seeme, is set upon hireing, 
which yet I wish he may presently effecte ; but I see litle hope 
of help from hence if so it be. Of M'. Brewer you know what 
to expecte. I doe not thinke M'. Pickering will ingage, ex- 
cepte in y* course of buying, in former lettere specified. Aboute 
y* conditions, you have our reasons for our judgments of what is 
agreed. And let this spetially be borne in minde, y* the greatest 
parte of y* Collonie is like to be imployed constantly, not upon 
dressing ther perticuler land & building houses, but upon fish- 
ing, trading, &c. So as y* land & house will be but a trifell 
for advantage to y* adventurere, and yet the devission of it 
a great discouragmente to y* planters, who would with singuler 
care make it comfortable with borowed houres from their sleep. 
The same consideration of comone imploymente constantly by 
the most is a good reason not to have y* 2. dales in a weeke 
denyed y' few planters for private use, which yet is subordinate 

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dales freedome from taske. Send me word what persons are 
to goe, who of usefull faculties, & how many, & perticulerJy 
of every thing. I know you wante not a minde. I am sorie 
you have not been at London all this while, but y* provissions 
could not wante you. Time will suffer me to write no more ; 
fare you & yours well allways in y* Lord, in whom I rest. 
Yours to use, 

John Robimsom. 

An oiher letter from sundrie of them cU tf same time. 

[81] To their loving freinds John Carver and Robart Cush- 
man, these, &c. 

Good bretheren, after salutations, &c. We received diverse 
letters at y* coming of M'. Nash & our pilott, which is a great 
incouragmente unto us, and for whom we hop after times will 
minister occasion of praising God; and indeed had you not 
sente him, many would have been ready to fainte and goe 
backe. Partly in respecte of y* new conditions which have bene 
taken up by you, which all men are against, and partly in 
regard of our owne inabillitie to doe any one of those many 
waightie bussineses you referr to us here. For y^ former 
wherof , wheras Robart Cushman desirs reasons for our dislike, 
promising therupou to alter y^ same, or els saing we should 
thinke he hath no brains, we desire him to exercise them 
therin, refering him to our pastors former reasons, and them 
to y* censure of y* godly wise. But our desires are that you 
will not entangle your selvs and us in any such unreasonable 
courses as those are, viz. y* the marchants should have y* halfe 
of mens houses and lands at y* dividente; and that persons 
should be deprived of y^ 2. days in a weeke agreed upon, yea 
every momente of time for their owne perticuler; by reason 
wherof we cannot conceive why any should carie servants for 
their own help and comfort ; for that we can require no more 
of them then all men one of another. This we have only by 

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relation from M'. Nash, & not from any writing of your owne^ 
& therfore hope you have not proceeded farr in so great a 
thing without us. But requiring you not to ezseed the bounds 
of your comission, which was to proceed upon y* things or con- 
ditions agred upon and expressed in writing (at your going 
over about it), we leave it, not without marveling, that you' 
selfe, as you write, knowing how smale a thing troubleth our 
consultations, and how few, as you fear, understands the 
busnes aright, should trouble us with such matters as these 
are, &c. 

Salute M'. Weston from us, in whom we hope we are not 
deceived ; we pray you make known our estate unto him, and 
if you thinke good shew him our letters, at least tell him (y* 
under God) we much relie upon him & put our confidence in 
him ; and, as your selves well know, that if he had not been 
an adventurer with us, we had not taken it in hand ; presuming 
that if he had not seene means to accomplish it, he would not 
have begune it ; so we hope in our eztremitie he will so farr 
help us as our expectation be no way made frustrate concern- 
ing him. Since therfore, good brethren, we have plainly 
opened y* state of things with us in this matter, you will, &c. 
Thus beseeching y* Allmightie, who is allsufficiente to raise 
us out of this depth of dificulties, to assiste us herein ; raising 
such means by his providence and fatherly care for us, his pore 
children & servants, as we may with comforte behould y* hand 
of our God for good towards us in this our bussines, which we 
undertake in his name & fear, we take leave & remaine 

Your perplexed, yet hopfuU 

June 10. New Stille, bretheren, 

An^: 1620. S. F. E. W. W. B. J. A.* 

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A letter of Bobart Oushmans to them. 

Brethern, I uDderstand by letters & passagess y' have come 
to me, that ther are great discontents, & dislike of my proceed- 
ings amongst you. Sorie I am to hear it, yet contente to beare 
it, as not doubting but y* partly by writing, and more princi- 
pally by word when we shall come togeather, I shall satisfie 
any 'reasonable man. I have been perswaded [32] by some, 
espetialy this bearer, to come and clear things unto you ; but 
as things now stand I canot be absente one day, excepte I 
should hazard all y* viage. Neither conceive I any great good 
would come of it. Take then, brethem, this as a step to give 
you contente. First, for your dislike of y* alteration of one 
clause in y* conditions, if you conceive it right, ther can be no 
blame lye on me at all. For y' articles first brought over by 
John Carver were never scene of any of y* adventurers hear, 
excepte M^ Weston, neither did any of them like them because 
of that clause ; nor M^ Weston him selfe, after he had well 
considered it. But as at y' first ther was 500". withdrawne by 
S'. Gjeorg Farrer and his brother upon that dislike, so all y' 
rest would have withdrawne (M^ Weston excepted) if we had 
not altered y' clause. Now whilst we at Leyden conclude upon 
points, as we did, we reckoned without our host, which was 
not my falte. Besids, I shewed you by a letter y*" equitie of 
y* condition, & our inconveniences, which might be sett against 
all M'. Rob: inconveniences, that without y* alteration of y» 
clause, we could neither have means to gett thither, nor supplie 
wherby to subsiste when we were ther. Yet notwithstanding 
all those reasons, which were not mine, but other mens wiser 
then my selfe, without answer to any one of them, here cometh 
over many quirimonies, and complaints against me, of lording 
it over my brethem, and making conditions fitter for theeves 
& bondslaves then honest men, and that of my owne head I 
did what I list. And at last a paper of reasons, framed against 

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64 HISTORY OF [chap. VI. 

y* clause in y* conditions, which as y*^ were delivered me open, 
80 my answer is open to you all. And first, as they are no 
other but inconveniences, such as a man might frame 20. as 
great on y* other side, and yet prove nor disprove nothing by 
them, so they misse & mistake both y* very ground of y* article 
and nature of y* project. For, first, it is said, that if ther had 
been no divission of houses & lands, it had been better for y* 
poore. True, and y' showeth y* inequalitie of y* condition ; we 
should more respecte him y' ventureth both his money and his 
person, then him y' ventureth but his person only. 

2. Consider wheraboute we are, not giveing almes, but 
furnishing a store house : no one shall be porer then another 
for 7. years, and if any be rich, none can be pore. At y* least, 
we must not in such bussines crie. Pore, pore, mercie, mercie. 
Charitie hath it life in wraks, not in venturs ; you are by this 
most in a hopefull pitie of makeing, therfore complaine not be- 
fore you have need. 

3. This will hinder y* building of good and faire houses, 
contrarie to y* advise of pollitiks. A. So we would have it; 
our purpose is to build for y* presente such houses as, if need 
be, we may with litle greefe set a fire, and rune away by the 
lighte ; our riches shall not be in pompe, but in strenght ; if 
God send us riches, we will imploye them to provid more men, 
ships, munition, &c. You may see it amongst the best pollitiks, 
that a comonwele is readier to ebe then to flow, when once fine 
houses and gay cloaths come up. 

4. The Gove* may prevente excess in building. A. But if 
it be on all men beforehand resolved on, to build mean houses, 
y* Gove' laboure is spared. 

5. All men are not of one condition. A. If by condition 
YOU mean wealth, you are mistaken ; if vou mean bv condi- 

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eie only to them selves, are fitter to come wher catching is, 
then closing ; and are fitter to live alone, then in any societle, 
either civill or religious. 

6. It will be of litle value, scarce worth 5**. A. True, it 
may be not worth halfe 5**. [33] If then so smale a thing 
will content them, why strive we thus aboute it, and give 
them occasion to suspecte us to be worldly & covetous? I 
will not say what I have heard since these complaints came 
first over. 

7. Our freinds with us y* adventure mind not their owne 
profite, as did y* old adventurers. A. Then they ai-e better 
then we, who for a litle matter of profite ai'e readie to draw 
back, and it is more apparente brethem looke too it, that make 
profite your maine end ; repente of this, els goe not least you 
be like Jonas to Tarshis. 2*^. Though some of them mind 
not their profite, yet others doe mind it; and why not as well 
as we? venturs are made by all soi-ts of men, and we must 
labour to give them all contente, if we can. 

8. It will break y* course of comunitie, as may be showed 
by many reasons. A. That is but said, and I say againe, it 
will best foster comunion, as may be showed by many reasons. 

9. Great profite is like to be made by trucking, fishing, &c. 
A. As it is better for them, so for us ; for halfe is oure, besids 
our living still upon it, and if such profite in y'^way come, our 
labour shall be y* less on y* land, and our houses and lands 
must & will be of less value. 

10. Our hazard is greater then theirs. A. True, but doe 
they put us upon it? doe they urge or egg us? hath not 
y* motion & resolution been always in our selves? doe they 
any more then in seeing us resolute if we had means, help us 
to means upon equal! termes & conditions? If we will not 
goe, they are content to keep their moneys. Thus I have 
pointed at a way to loose those knots, which I hope you will 
consider seriously, and let me have no more stirre about them. 

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66 HISTORY OP [chap. VI. 

Now furder, I hear a noise of slavish conditions by me made ; 
but surly this is all that I have altered, and reasons I have sent 
you. If you mean it of y® 2. days in a week for perticuler, as 
some insinuate, you are deceived ; you may have 3. days in a 
week for me if you will. And when I have spoken to y* ad- 
venturers of times of working, they have said they hope we are 
men of discretion & conscience, and so fitte to be trusted our 
selves with that. But indeed y* ground of our proceedings at 
Leyden was mistaken, and ,so here is nothing but tottering 
every day, &c. 

As for them of Amsteixiam I had thought they would as 
soone have gone to Rome as with us ; for our libertie is to 
them as ratts bane, and their riggour as bad to us as y^ Spanish 
Inquision. If any practise of mine discourage them, let them 
yet draw back ; I will undertake they shall have their money 
againe presently paid hear. Or if the company thinke me to 
be y* Jonas, let them cast me of before we goe ; I shall be con- 
tent to stay with good will, having but y* cloaths on my back ; 
only let us have quietnes, and no more of these clamoi*s ; full 
litle did I expecte these things which are now come to pass, &c. 

Yours, R. CU8H»LA.N. 

But whether this letter of his ever came to their 
hands at Leyden I well know not; I rather thinke it 
was staled by M'. Carver & kept by him, forgiving 
offence. But this which follows was ther received; 
both which I thought pertenent to recite. 

Another of his to y aforesaid^ Jane 11. 1620.* 
Salutations, &c. I received your ISr. yesterday, by John 
Turner, with another y* same day from Amsterdam by M^ 

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W. savouring of y* place whenc it came. And indeed the 
many discouragements I find her, togeather with y* demurrs 
and retirings ther, had made me to say, I would give up my 
accdunts to John Cai-ver, & at his comeing aquainte liim fully 
with all courses, and so leave it quite, with only y* pore cloaths 
on my back. But gathering up my selfe by further considera- 
tion, [S4] I resolved yet to make one triall more, and to 
aquainte M'. Weston with y* fainted state of our bussines ; and 
though he hath been much discontented at some thing amongst 
us of late, which hath made him often say, that save for his 
promise, he would not meadle at all with y* bussines any more, 
yet considering how farr we were plunged into maters, & how 
it stood both on our credits & undoing, at y* last he gathered 
up him selfe a litle more, & coming to me 2. hours after, he 
tould me he would not yet leave it. And so advising togeather 
we resolved to hire a ship, and have tooke liking of one till 
Monday, about 60, laste, for a greater we cannot gett, excepte 
it be tow great; but a fine ship it is. And seeing our neer 
freinds ther are so streite lased, we hope to assure her without 
troubling them any further; and if y'^ ship fale too small, it 
fitteth well y' such as stumble at strawes allready, may rest 
them ther a while, least worse blocks come in y® way ere 7. 
years be ended. If you had beaten this bussines so throuly 
a month agoe, and write to us as now you doe, we could thus 
have done much more conveniently. But it is as it is ; I hope 
our freinds ther, if they be quitted of y* ship hire, will be in- 
dusced to venture y* more. All y* I now require is y* salt and 
netts may ther be boughte, and for all y* rest we will here pro- 
vid it ; yet if that will not be, let them but stand for it a month 
or tow, and we will take order to pay it all. Let M'. Reinholda 
tarie ther, and bring y* ship to Southampton. We have hired 
another pilote here, one M^ Clarke^ who went last year to 

5- :au ^ «u:-v ^* u:~-. 

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68 HISTORY OF [chap. VI, 

come hence on Tewsday night. I had thought to have come 
with him, to have answerd to my complaints ; but I shal leme 
to pass litle for their censurs ; and if I had more minde to goe 
& dispute & expostulate with them, then I have care of this 
waightie bussines, I were like them who live by damoura & 
jangling. But neither my mind nor my body is at libertie to 
doe much, for I am fettered with bussines, and had rather study 
to be quiet, then to make answer to their exceptions. If men 
be set on it, let them beat y* eair ; I hope such as are my sin- 
ceii'e freinds will not thinke but I can give some reason of my 
actions. But of your mistaking aboute y* mater, & other 
things tending to this bussines, I shall nexte informe you 
more distinctly. Mean space entreate our freinds not to be 
too bussie in answering matters, before they know them. If 
I doe such things as I canot give reasons for, it is like you 
have sett a foole aboute your bussines, and so tume y* reproofe 
to your selves, & send an other, and let me come againe to my 
Combes. But setting a side my naturall infirmities, I refuse 
not to have my cause judged, both of God, & all indifferent 
men; and when we come togeather I shall give accounte of 
my actions hear. The Lord, who judgeth justly without 
respect of persons, see into y^ equitie of my cause, and give 
us quiet, peacable, and patient minds, in all these turmoiles, 
and sanctifie unto us all crosses whatsoever. And so I take 
my leave of you all, in all love & affection. 

I hope we shall gett all hear ready in 14. days. 

Your pore brother, 

June 11. 1620. Robabt Cushman. 

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& Bobart Cushman, ther was one chosen in England 
to be joyned with them, to make y® provisions for 
y* vioage; his name was M'. Martin, he came from 
Billirike in Essexe, from which parts came sundrie 
others to goe with them, as also from London & other 
places ; and therfore it was thought meete & conveniente 
by them in Holand that these strangers that were to 
goe with them, should apointe one thus to be joyned 
with them, not so much for any great need of their 
help, as to avoyd all susspition, or jelosie of any 
partiallitie. And indeed their care for giving offence, 
both in this & other things afterward, turned to great 
inconvenience unto them, as in y* sequell will apeare ; 
but however it shewed their equall & honest minds. 
The provissions were for y^ most parte made at South- 
hamton, contrarie to M*^. Westons & Eobert Cushmas 
mind (whose counsells did most concure in all things). 
A touch of which things I shall give in a letter of his 
to M'. Carver, and more will appear afterward. 

To his loving freind M'. John Carver, these, &c. 

Loving freind, I have received from you some letters, full 
of affection <& complaints, and what it is you would have of 
me I know not ; for your crieing out, Negligence, negligence, 
negligence, I maivell why so negligente a man was used in 
y* bussines. Yet know you y' all that I have power to doe 
hear, shall not be one hower behind, I warent you. You have 
reference to M'. Weston to help us with money, more then his 

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70 HISTORY OP [chap. VI. 

and is offended y^ onr provissions are made so farr of ; as also 
that he was not made aquainted with our quantitie of things ; 
and saith y' in now being in 3. places, so farr remote, we will, 
with going up & downe, and wrangling & expostulating, pass 
over y* somer before we will goe. And to speake y* trueth, 
ther is fallen already amongst us a flatt schisme ; and we are 
redier to goe to dispute, then to sett forwarde a voiage. I 
have received from Leyden since you wente 3. or 4. letters 
directed to you, though they only conscerne me. I will not 
trouble you with them. I always feared y* event of y* Amster- 
damers striking in with us. I trow you must excomunicate 
me, or els you must goe without their companie, or we shall 
wante no quareling; but let them pass. We have reckoned, 
it should seeme, without our host; and, counting upon a 150. 
persons, ther cannot be founde above 1200*'. & odd moneys 
of all y* venturs you can reckone, besids some cloath, stock- 
ings, & shoes, which are not counted ; so we shall come shorte 
at least 3. or 400^. I would have had some thing shortened 
at first of beare & other provissions in hope of other adventurs, 
& now we could have, both in Amsterd: & Kente, beere inough 
to serve our tume, but now we cannot accept it without preju- 
dice. You fear we have begune to build & shall not be able 
to make an end ; indeed, our courses were never established by 
counsell, we may therfore justly fear their standing. Yea, ther 
was a [36] schisme amongst us 3. at y* first. You wrote to 
M^ Martin, to prevente y* making of y* provissions in Kente, 
which he did, and sett downe his resolution how much he would 
have of every thing, without respecte to any counsell or excep- 
tion. Surely he y' is in a societie & yet regards not counsell, 
may better be a king then a consorte. To be short, if ther 
be not some other dispossition setled unto then yet is, we y' 
should be partners of humilitie and peace, shall be examples 

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wiJl serve ; for y* rest which hear & in Holand is to be used, 
we may goe scratch for it. Foi* M'.* Crabe, of whom you write, 
he hath promised to goe with us, yet 1 tell you 1 shall not be 
without feare till 1 see him shipped, for he is much opposed, 
yet I hope he will not faile. Thinke y* best of all, and bear 
with patience what is wanting, and y* Lord guid us all. 

Your loving freind, 
London, June 10. Robart Coshmam. 

An«: 1620. 

I have bene y' larger in these things, and so shall 
crave leave in some like passages following, (thoug 
in other things I shal labour to be more contracte,) 
that their children may see with what difficulties their 
fathers wrastled in going throug these things in their 
first begmings, and how God brought them along not- 
withstanding all their weaknesses & infirmities. As 
allso that some use may be made hereof in after times 
by others in such like waightie imployments ; and here- 
with I will end this chapter. 

The 7. Chap. 

Of their departure from Leyderiy and other things ther 
aboutej with their arivall at South hamtouj were they 
all mete togeather^ and tooke in ther provissions. 

At length, after much travell and these debats, all 
things vrere got ready and provided. A smale ship f 

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72 HISTORY OF [chap. vn. 

to serve to help to transport them, so to stay in y* 
cuntrie and atend upon fishing and shuch other affairs 
as might be for y® good & benefite of y® colonie when 
they came ther. Another was hired at London, of 
burden about 9. score; and all other things gott in 
readines. So being ready to departe, they had a day 
of BoUeme humiliation, their pastor taking his texte 
from Ezra 8. 21, And ther cU y* river^ hy Ahavaj 1 
proclaimed a fastj that we might humble ourselves before 
our Grody and seeke of him a right way for us^ and 
for our children^ andfyr all our substance. Upon which 
he spente a good parte of y® day very profitably, and 
suitable to their presente occasion. The rest of the 
time was spente in powering out prairs to y® Lord with 
great fervencie, mixed with abundance of tears. And 
y* time being come that they must departe, they were 
accompanied with most of their brethren out of y* 
citie, unto a towne sundrie miles of called Delfes-Haven, 
wher the ship lay ready to receive them. So they lefte 
y* goodly & pleasante citie, which had been ther resting 
place* near 12. years; but they knew they were pil- 
grimes,* & looked not much on those things, but lift 
up their eyes to y® heavens, their dearest cuntrie, and 
quieted their spirits. When they [37] came to y* 
place they found y* ship and all things ready; and 
shuch of their freinds as could not come with them 

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sterdame to see them shipte and to take their leave 
of them. That night was spent with litle sleepe by 
y^ most, but with freindly entertainmente & christian 
discourse and other reall expressions of trae christian 
love. The next day, the wind being faire, they wente 
aborde, and their freinds with them, where truly dolfull 
was y' sight of that sade and moumfull parting ; to see 
what sighs and sobbs and praires did sound amongst 
them, what tears did gush from every eye, & pithy 
speeches peirst each harte; that sundry of y* Dutch 
strangers y^ stood on y^ key as spectators, could not 
refraine from tears. Yet comfortable & sweete it was 
to see shuch lively and true expressions of dear & un- 
&ined love. But y* tide (which stays for no man) 
caling them away y* were thus loath to departe, their 
Refe**: pastor falling downe on his knees, (and they 
all with him,) with watrie cheeks comended them with 
most fervente praiers to the Lord and his blessing. 
And then with mutuall imbrases and many tears, they 
tooke their leaves one of an other; which proved to 
be y* last leave to many of them. 

Thus hoy sing saile,* with a prosperus winde they 
came in short time to Southhamton, wher they found 
the bigger ship come from London, lying ready, w'** 
all the rest of their company. After a joyfiill well- 

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74 HISTORY OF [chap. Vli, 

nes, how to dispatch with y® best expedition; as allso 
with their agents, aboute y® alteration of y* conditions. 
M'. Carver pleaded he was imployed hear at Hamton, 
and knew not well what y* other had don at London. 
M^ Cushman answered, he had done nothing but what 
he was urged too, partly by y* grounds of equity, and 
more espetialy by necessitie, other wise all had bene 
dasht and many undon. And in y^ begining he 
aquainted his felow agents here with, who consented 
unto him, and left it to him to execute, and to receive 
y^ money at London and send it downe to them at 
Hamton, wher they made y'' provissions ; the which he 
accordingly did, though it was against his minde, & 
some of y* marchants, y* they were their made. And 
for giveing them notise at Ley den of this change, he 
could not well in regarde of y® shortnes of y® time; 
againe, he knew it would trouble them and hinder 
y* bussines, which was already delayed overlong in 
regard of y* season of y* year, which he feared they 
would find to their cost. But these things gave not 
contenle at presente. M'. Weston, likwise, came up 
from London to see them dispatcht and to have y* 
conditions confirmed; but they refused, and answered 
him, that he knew right well that these were not 

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were behind, not to doe it. At which he was much 
offended, and tould them, they must then looke to 
stand on their owne leggs. So he returned in dis- 
pleasure, and this was y** first ground of discontent 
betweene them. And wheras ther wanted well near 
100*. to clear things at their going away, he would 
uot take order to disburse a penie, but let them shift 
as they could. [38] So they were forst to selle of 
some of their provissions to stop this gape, which 
was some 3. or 4. score firkins of butter, which com- 
oditie they might best spare, haveing provided too 
large a quantitie of y' kind. Then they write a leter 
to y* marchants & adventures aboute y* diferances 
'Concerning y* conditions, as foloweth. 

Aug. 8. An«: 1620. 
Beloved freinds, sory we are that ther should be occasion 
of writing at all unto you, partly because we ever expected 
to see y^ most of you hear, but espetially because ther should 
any differance at all be conceived betweene us. But seing 
it faleth out that we cannot conferr togeather, we thinke it 
meete (though brefly) to show you y* just cause & reason of 
our differing from those articles last made by Robart Cushman, 
without our comission or knowledg. And though he might 
propound good ends to himselfe, yet it no way justifies his 
doing it. Our maine diference is in y* 5. & 9. article, con- 
cerning y' deviding or holding of house and lands ; the injoy- 
ing wherof some of your selves well know, was one spetiall 
motive, amongst many other, to provoke us to goe. This 
was thought so reasonable, y* when y* greatest of you in 
adventure (whom we have much cause to respecte), when he 

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76 HISTORY OP [chap. VII» 

propouDcied conditions to us freely of his owne accorde, he 
set this downe for one; a coppy wherof we have sent unto 
you, with some additions then added by us ; which being 
liked on both sids, and a day set for y* paimente of moneys^ 
those of Holland paid in theirs. After y, Robart Cushman, 
M'. Peirce, & M'. Martine, brought them into a better forme, 
& write them in a booke now eztante; and upon Robarta 
shewing them and delivering M'. MuUins a coppy therof under 
his hand (which we have), he payd in his money. And we 
of Holland had never seen other before our coming to Hamton, 
but only as one got for him selfe a private coppy of them ; 
upon sight wherof we manyfested uter dislike, but had put 
of our estats & were ready to come, and therfore was too late 
to rejecte y* vioage. Judge therfore we beseech you indifer- 
ently of things, and if a faulte have bene comited, lay it wher 
it is, & not upon us, who have more cause to stand for y* one, 
then you have for y* other. We never gave Robart Cushman 
comission to make any one article for us, but only sent him 
to receive moneys upon articles before agreed on, and to- 
further, y* provissions till John Carver came, and to assiste 
him in it. Yet since you conceive your selves wi'onged as 
well as we, we thought meete to add a branch to y" end of 
our 9. article, as will allmost heale that wound of it selfe, 
which you conceive to be in it. But that it may appeare Uy 
all men y* we are not lovers of our selves only, but desire 
also y* good & inriching of our freinds who have adventured 
your moneys with our pereons, we have added our last article 
to y* rest, promising you againe by leters in y* behalfe of the 
whole company, that if large profits should not arise within 
y* 7. years, y* we will continue togeather longer with you, if 
y* Lord give a blessing.* This we hope is sufficente to satisfie 
any in this case, espetialy freinds, since we are asured y* if 
the whole charge was devided into 4. parts, 3. of them will 

* It was well for them y^ this was not accepted. 

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not stand upon it, nether doe regarde it, &o. We are in 
shach a streate at presente, as we are forced to sell away 60**.. 
worth of our provissions to cleare y* Haven, & withall put our 
selves upon great extremities, scarce haveiug any butter, no 
oyle, not a sole to mend a shoe, [39] nor every man a sword 
to his side, wanting many muskets, much armoure, &c. And 
yet we are willing to expose our selves to shuch eminente 
dangers as are like to insue, & trust to y* good providence 
of God, rather then his name & truth should be evill spoken 
of for us. Thus saluting all of you in love, and beseeching 
y* Lord to give a blesing to our endeavore, and keepe all our 
harts in y* bonds of peace & love, we take leave & rest, 

Yours, &c. 
Aug. 3. 1620* 

It was subscribed with many names of y* cheefest 
of y* company. 

At their parting M'. Robinson write a leter to y* 
whole company, which though it hath already bene 
printed, yet I thought good here likwise to inserte 
it; as also a breefe leter writ at y* same time to M'. 
Carver, in which y« tender love & godly care of a true 
pastor appears. 

My dear Brother, — 1 received inclosed in your last leter 
y* note of information, w^ I shall carefuly keepe* & make use 
of as ther shall be occasion. I have a true feeling of your 
perplexitie of mind & toyle of body, but I hope that you who 
have allways been able so plentifully to administer comforte 
unto others in their trials, are so well furnished for your selfe 
as that farr greater difficulties then you have yet undergone 
(though I conceive them to have been great enough) cannot 

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78 HISTORY OF [chap. VII» 

oppresse you, though they press you, as y^ Aspostle speaks* 
The spirite of a man (sustained by y* spirite of God) will sus- 
taine his infirmitie, I dout not so will yours. And y* beter 
much when you shall injoye y* presence & help of so many 
godly & wise bretheren, for y* bearing of part of your burthen, 
who also will not admitte into their harts y* least thought of 
suspition of any y* least negligence, at least presumption, to 
have been in you, what so ever they thinke in others. Now 
what shall I say or write unto you & your goodwife my loving 
sister? even only this, I desire (<& allways shall) unto you 
from y* Lord, as unto my owne soule ; and assure your selfe 
y' my harte is with you, and that I will not forslowe my bodily 
coming at y* first oppertunitie. I have writen a large leter to 
y* whole, and am sorie I shall not rather speak then write to 
them ; & the more, considering y* wante of a preacher, which 
I shall also make sume spuiT to my hastening after you. I 
doe ever comend my best affection unto you, which if I thought 
you made any doubte of, I would express in more, & y* sajne 
more ample & full woi*ds. And y* Lord in whom you trust & 
whom you serve ever in this bussines & journey, guid you with 
his hand, protecte you with his wiuge, and shew you & us his 
salvation in y"" end, & bring us in y^ mean while togeather in 
y* place desired, if shuch be his good will, for his Christs sake. 
Amen. Yours, &c. 

July 27. 1620. Jo: R. 

This was y* last letter y^ M'. Carver lived to see 
from him. The other follows. 

* Lovinge Christian friends, I doe hartily & in y* Lord salute 
you all, as being they with whom I am presente in my best 

• This letter i8 omitted in Ooyernor Bradford's ColleeHon of LeUen.— 

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affection, and most ernest longings after you, though I be 
constrained for a while to be bodily absente from you. I say 
constrained, Go<l knowing how willingly, & much rather then 
otherwise, I would have borne my part with you in this first 
brunt, were I not by strong necessitie held back for y* present. 
Make accounte of me in y' mean while, as of a man devided in 
my selfe with great paine, and as (naiurall bonds set a side) 
having my beter parte with [40] you. And though I doubt 
not but in your godly wisdoms, you both foresee & resolve 
upon y which concerneth your presente state & condition, 
both sevei-ally & joyntly, yet have I thought it but my duty 
to add some fui*der spurr of provocation unto them, who rune 
allready, if not because you need it, yet because I owe it in 
love & dutie. And first, as we are daly to renew our repent- 
ance with our Grod, espetially for our sines known, and gener- 
ally for our unknowne trespasses, so doth y* Lord call us in 
a singuler maner upon occasions of shuch difficultie & danger 
as lieth upon you, to a both more narrow search & carefuU 
reformation of your ways in his sight; least he, calling ta 
remembrance our sines forgotten by us or unrepented of, take 
advantage against us, & in judgmente leave us for y* same 
to be swalowed up in one danger or other; wheras, on the 
contrary, sine being taken away by ernest repentance & y^ 
pardon therof from y* Lord sealed up unto a mans conscience 
by his spirite, great shall be his securitie and peace in all 
dangers, sweete his comforts in all distresses, with hapie 
deliverance from all evill, whether in life or in death. 

Now next after this heavenly peace with God & our owne 
consciences, we are carefully to provide for peace with all men 
what in us lieth, espetially with our associats, & for y* watch- 
fullnes must be had, that we neither at all in our selves doe 

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80 HISTORY OF [chap. vn. 

come, yet woe unto y* man or woman either by whom y* offence 
Cometh, saith Christ, Mat. 18. 7. And if offences in y* an- 
seasonable use of things in them selves indifferent, be more 
to be feared then death itself e, as y* Apostle teacheth, 1. Cor. 
9. 15. how much more in things simply evill, in which neither 
honour of God nor love of man is thought worthy to be re- 
garded. Neither yet is it sufficiente y^ we keepe our selves 
by y* grace of God from giveing offence, exepte withall we be 
armed against y* taking of them when they be given by others. 
For how unperfect & lame is y* work of grace in y' person^ 
who wants chamtie to cover a multitude of offences, as y* 
scriptures speake. Neither are you to be exhorted to this 
grace only upon y* comone grounds of Christianitie, which 
are, that persons ready to take offence, either wante charitie, 
to cover offences, of wisdome duly to waigh humane f railtie ; 
or lastly, are grosso, though close hipocrites, as Christ our 
Lord teacheth. Mat. 7. 1, 2, 3, as indeed in my owne expe- 
rience, few or none have bene found which sooner give offence, 
then shuch as easily take it; neither have they ever proved 
sound & profitable members in societies, which have nurished 
this touchey humor. But besids these, ther are diverse motives 
provoking you above others to great care & conscience this 
way : As. first, you are many of you strangers, as to y* per- 
sons, so to y* infirmities one of another, <& so stand in neede 
of more watchfuUnes this way, least when shuch things fall 
out in men & women as you suspected not, you be inordinatly 
affected with them; which doth require at your hands much 
wisdome & charitie for y* covering & preventing of incident 
offences that way. And lastly, your intended course of civill 
comunitie will minister continuall occasion of offence, & will 

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selfe, which yet we certainly doe so ofte as we doe murmure 
at his providence in our crosses, or beare impatiently shuch 
afflictions as wherwith he pleaseth to visite us. Store up 
therfore patience against y* evill day, without which we take 
offence at y* Lord him selfe in his holy & just works. 

A 4. thing ther is carfully to be provided for, to witte, that 
with your comone imployments you joyne comone affections 
truly bente upon y^ generall good, avoyding as a deadly 
[41] plague of your both comone & spetiall comfort all re- 
tirednes of minde for proi)er advantage, and all singularly 
affected any maner of way ; let every man represe in him 
selfe & y* whol body in each person, as so many rebels 
against y® comone good, all private respects of mens selves, 
not sorting with y* generall conveniencie. And as men are 
carfuU not to have a new house shaken with any violence 
before it be well setled & y* parts firmly knite, so be you, 
I beseech you, brethren, much more carfuU, y' the house of 
God which you are, and are to be, be not shaken with un- 
necessarie novelties or other oppositions at y* firat setling 

Lastly, wheras you are become a body politik, using amongst 
your selves civil! govermente, and are not furnished with auy 
persons of spetiall eminencle above y* rest, to be chosen by you 
into office of goverment, let your wisdome & godlines appeare, 
not only in chusing shuch persons as doe entirely love and will 
promote y* comone good, but also in yeelding unto them all 
due honour & obedience in their lawful! administrations ; not 
behoulding in them y* ordinarinesse of their persons, but Gods 
ordinance for your good, not being like y* foolish multitud 
who more honour y' gay coate, then either y* vertuous minde 
of y* man, or glorious ordinance of y® Lord. But you know 
better things, & that y* image of y* Lords power & authoritie 
which y* magistrate beareth, is honourable, in how meane per- 
sons soever. And this dutie you both may y* more willingly 

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82 HISTORY OP [chap. VU. 

and ought y* more conscionably to performe, because you are 
at least for y* present to have only them for your ordinarie 
govemours, which your selves shall make choyse of for that 

Sundrie other things of importance I could put you Id minde 
of, and of those before mentioned, in more words, but I will 
not so farr wrong your godly minds as to thinke you heedless 
of these things, ther being also diverce among you so well able 
to admonish both them selves & others of what concemeth 
them. These few things therfore, & y* same in few words, 
I doe emestly comend unto your care & conscience, joyning 
therwith my daily incessante prayers unto y* Lord, y* he who 
hath made y* heavens & y* earth, y* sea and all rivers of 
waters, and whose providence is over all his workes, espetially 
over all his dear children for good, would so guide & gaixi 
you in your wayes, as inwardly by his Spirite, so outwardly 
by y* hand of his power, as y* both you & we also, for & with 
you, may have after matter of praising his name all y^ days 
of your and our lives. Fare you well in him in whom you 
trust, and in whom I rest. 

An unfained wellwiller of your hapie 
success in this hopefull voyage, 

John Robinson. 

This letter, though large, yet being so frutfuU in 
it selfe, and suitable to their occation, I thought meete 
to inserte in this place. 

All things being now ready, & every bussines dis- 
patched, the company was caled togeather, and this 
letter read amongst them, which had good acceptation 
with all, and after fruit with many. Then they ordered 
& distributed their company for either shipe, as they 

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conceived for y* best. And chose a Gov' & 2. or 3. 
assistants for each shipe, to order y* people by y* way, 
and see to y® dispossing of there provis8ions,.and shuch 
like affairs. All which was not only with y* liking 
of y* maisters of y* ships, but according to their 
desires. Which being done, they sett sayle from 
thence aboute y* 5. of August; but what befell them 
further upon y* coast of England will appeare in y* 
nexte chapter. 

The 8. Chap. 

Of the troubls that befell them on the coaste^ and at sea 
being forced^ after much trouble^ to leave one of ther 
ships (& some of their companie behind them. 
[42] Being thus put to sea they had not gone farr, 
but M'. Reinolds y* m'. of y* leser ship complained 
that he found his ship so leak as he durst not put 
further to sea till she was mended. So y® m'. of y* 
biger ship (caled M'. Jonas) being consulted with, they 
both resolved to put into Dartmouth & have her ther 
searched & mended, which accordingly was done, to 
their great charg & losse of time and a faire winde. 
She was hear thorowly searcht from steme to steme, 
some leaks were found & mended, and now it was 
conceived by the workmen & all, that she was suffi- 
ciente, & they might proceede without either fear or 
danger. So with good hopes from hence, they put 
to sea againe, conceiving they should goe comfortably 

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84 HISTORY OP [chap. VUI. 

on, not looking for any more lets of this kind; but 
it fell out otherwise, for after they were gone to sea 
againe above 1(K). leagues without the Lands End, 
houlding company togeather all this while, the m^ of 
y small ship complained his ship was so leake as he 
must beare up or sinke at sea, for they could scarce 
free her with much pumping. So they came to con- 
sultation againe, and resolved both ships to bear up 
backe againe & put into PlifSoth, which accordingly 
was done. But no spetiall leake could be founde, but 
it was judged to be y* generall weaknes of y* shipe, 
and that shee would not prove sufficiente for the voiage. 
Upon which it was resolved to dismise her & parte of 
y® companie, and proceede with y* other shipe. The 
which (though it was greevous, & caused great dis- 
couragmente) was put •in execution. So after they 
had tooke out such provission as y* other ship could 
well stow, and concluded both what number and what 
persons to send bak, they made another sad parting, 
y* one ship going backe for London, and y* other was 
to proceede on her viage. Those that went bak were 
for the most parte such as were willing so to doe, 
either out of some discontente, or feare they conceived 
of y* ill success of y* vioage, seeing so many croses 
befale, & the year time so farr spente; but others, in 
regarde of their owne weaknes, and charge of many 
yonge children, were thought least usefuU, and most 
unfite to bear y* brunte of this hard adventure; unto 

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which worke of Qt)d; and judgmente of their brethem, 
they were contented to submite. And thus, like Gedions 
annie, this small number was devided, as if y* Lord by 
this worke of his providence thought these few to many 
for y^ great worke he had to doe. But here by the way 
let me show, how afterward it was found y* the leaknes 
of this ship was partly by being over masted, and too 
much pressed with sayles; for after she was sould & 
put into her old trime, she made many viages & per- 
formed her service very sufficiently, to y* great profite 
of her owners. But more * espetially , by the cuning & 
deceite of y® m'. & his company, who were hired to 
stay a whole year in y* cuntrie, and now fancying dis- 
like & fearing wante of victeles, they ploted this st rate- 
gem to free them selves ; as afterwards was knowne, & 
by some of them confessed « For they apprehended 
y^ the greater ship, being of force, & in whom most 
of y* provissions were stowed, she would retayne 
enough for her selfe, what soever became of them or 
y* passengers; & indeed shuch speeches had bene cast 
out by some of them ; and yet, besids other incourag- 
ments, y* cheefe of them that came from Ley den wente 
in this shipe to give y* m^ contente. But so strong 
was self love & his fears, as he forgott all duty and 
[43 J former kindnesses, & delt thus falsly with them, 
though he pretended otherwise. Amongest those that 

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86 HISTORY OF [chap. VIU. 

though his body was with them till now he departed; 
as may appear by a passionate letter he write to a 
freind in London from Dartmouth, whilst y^ ship lay 
ther a mending ; the which, besids y* expressions of his 
owne fears, it shows much of y^ providence of God work- 
ing for their good beyonde man's expectation, & other 
things concerning their condition in these streats. I will 
hear relate it. And though it discover some infirmities 
in him (as who under temtation is free), yet after this he 
continued to be a spetiall instrumente for their good, and 
to doe y* offices of a loving freind & faithfiill brother 
unto them, and pertaker of much comforte with them. 
The letter is as foUowth. 

To his loving friend Ed: S.* at Henige House in y* Duks Place, 

these, &c. 

Dartmoath, Aug. 17. 

Loving friend, my most kind remembrance to you & your 
wife, with loving E. M. &c. whom in this world I never looke 
to see againe. For besids y* eminente dangers of this viage, 
which are no less then deadly, an infirmitie of body hath ceased 
me, which will not in all lic'lyhoode leave me till death. What 
to call it I know not, but it is a bundle of lead, as it were, 
crushing my harte more & more these 14. days, as that ail- 
though I doe y"* acctions of a liveing man, yet I am but as 
dead ; but y® will of God be done. Our pinass will not cease 
leaking, els I thinke we had been halfe way at Virginia, 

»«« u:«.u..> u^4.u 1 

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thinke, as others also, if we had stayed at sea but 3. or 4. 
howers more, shee would have sunke right downe. And 
though she was twise trimed at Hamton, yet now shee is 
open and leakie as a seive ; and ther was a horde, a man 
might have puld of with his fingers, 2 foote longe, wher 
y* water came in as at a mole hole. We lay at Hamton 7. 
days, in fair weather, waiting for her, and now we lye hear 
waiting for her in as faire a wind as can blowe, and so have 
done these 4. days, and ai*e like to lye 4. more, and by y' 
time y^ wind will happily turne as it did at Hampton. Our 
victuails will be halfe eaten up, I thinke, before we goe from 
the coaste of England, and if our viage last longe, we shall 
not have a months victialls when we come in y* conntrie. 
Neare 700'*. hath bene bestowed at Hampton, upon what I 
know not. M'. Martin saith he neither can nor will give 
any accounte of it, and if he be called upon for accounts 
he crieth out of unthankfullnes for his paines & care, that 
we are susspitious of him, and flings away, & will end noth- 
ing. Also he so insulteh over our poore people, with shuch 
scome & contempte, as if they were not good enough to wipe 
his shoes. It would break your hart to see his dealing,* and 
y* mourning of our people. They complaine to me, & alass ! 
I can doe nothing for them ; if I speake to him, he flies 
in my face, as mutinous, and saith no complaints shall be 
heard or received but by him selfe, and saith they are for- 
warde, & waspish, discontented people, & I doe ill to hear 
them. Ther are others y* would lose all they have put in, 
or make satisfaction for what they have had, that they might 
departe; but he will not hear them, nor suffer them to goe 
ashore, least they should rune away. The sailors also are 
so offended at his ignorante bouldnes, in medling & con- 
trouling in things he knows not what belongs too, as y' some 
threaten to misscheefe him, others say they will leave y* shipe 

* He was goreraonr in y* biger ship, & M'. Cushman assistante. 

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88 HISTORY OP [chap. VHI. 

& goe their way. But at y* best this cometh of it, j^ he make 
him selfe a scorae & laughing stoclc unto them. As for M'. 
Weston, excepte grace doe greatly swaye with him, he will 
hate us ten times more then ever he loved us, for not con- 
firming y* conditions. But now, since some pinches have 
taken them, they begine to reveile y* trueth, & say M*^. Robin- 
son was in y* falte who charged them never to consente to 
those conditions, nor chuse me into office, but indeede apointed 
them to chose them they did chose.* But he & they will rue 
too late, they may [44] now see, & all be ashamed when it 
is too late, that they were so ignorante, yea, & so inordinate 
in their courses. I am sure as they were resolved not to seale 
those conditions, I was not so resolute at Hampton to have left 
y* whole bussines, excepte they would seale them, & better y* 
vioage to have bene broken of then, then to have brought such 
miserie to our selves, dishonour to God, & detrimente to our 
loving freinds, as now it is like to doe. 4. or 5. of y* cheefe 
of them which came from Leyden, came resolved never to goe 
on those conditions. And M'. Martine, he said he never re- 
ceived no money on those conditions, he was not beholden to 
y* marchants for a pine, they were bloudsuckers, & I know not 
what. Simple man, he indeed never made any conditions w^ 
the marchants, nor ever spake with them. But did all that 
money flie to Hampton, or was it his owne ? Who will goe & 
lay out money so rashly & lavishly as he did, and never know 
how he comes by it, or on what conditions? 2^. I tould him 
of y* alteration longe agoe, & he was contente ; but now he 
dominires, & said I had betrayed them into y* hands of slaves ; 
he is not beholden to them, he can set out 2. ships him selfe 
to a viage. When, good man? He hath but 50". in, & if he 
should give up his accounts he would not have a penie left 
him, as I am per8uaded,t &c. Freind, if ever we make a 

* I thinke he was deceived in these things, 
t This was found trne afterward. 

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plantation, God works a mirakle; especially considering how 
Bcante we shall be of victualls, and most of all ununited 
amongst our selves, & devoyd of good tutors & regimente. 
Violence will break all. Wher is y* meek & humble spirite 
of Moyses? & of Nehemiah who reedified y* wals of Jerusa- 
lem, & y* state of Israeli? Is not y* sound of Rehoboams 
braggs daly hear amongst us? Have not y* philosophers and 
all wise men observed y', even in setled comone welths, vio- 
lente govemours bring either them selves, or people, or boath, 
to vuine; how much more in y* raising of coinone wealths, 
when y* morter is yet scarce tempered y' should bind y* 
wales. If I should write to you of all things which pro- 
miscuously forerune our mine, I should over charge my weake 
head and greeve your tender hart ; only this, I pray you pre- 
pare for evill tidings of us every day. But pray for us in- 
stantly, it may be y* Lord will be yet entreated one way or 
other to make for us. I see not in reason how we shall 
escape even y* gasping of hunger starved persons ; but Grod 
can doe much, & his will be done. It is better for me to 
dye, then now for me to bear it, which I doe daly, & ex- 
pecte it howerly ; haveing received y* sentance of death, 
both within me & without me. Poore William King & my 
selfe doe strive • who shall be meate first for y* fishes ; but 
we looke for a glorious resurrection, knowing Christ Jesus 
after y* flesh no more, but looking unto y* joye y' is before 
us, we will endure all these things and accounte them light 
in comparison of y* joye we hope for. Remember me in all 
love to our freinds as if I named them, whose praiers I 
desire ernestly, & wish againe to see, but not till I can with 
more comforte looke them in y* face. The Lord give us 
that true comforte which none can take from us. I had a 
desire to make a breefe relation of our estate to some freind. 

* In the manascript it is M strive dayly/* bat a pen has been drawn through 
the latter word. 

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90 HISTORY OP [chap. IX. 

I doubte not but your wisdome will teach you seasonably to 
utter things as here after you shall be called to it. That 
which I have writen is treue, & many things more which I 
have forborne. I write it as upon my life, and last confes- 
sion in England. What is of use to be spoken [45] of 
presently, you may speake of it, and what is fitt to conceile, 
conceall. Pass by my weake maner, for my, head is weake, 
& my body feeble, y* Lord make me strong in him, & keepe 

both you & yours. 

Your loving freind, 


Dartmouth, Aug. 17. 1620. 

These being his conceptions & fears at Dartmouth, 
they most needs be much stronger now at Plimoth. 

The 9. Chap. 

Of their vioage^ <& how they passed y* «ea, and of their 
safe arrivatt at Cape Codd. 

Sept": 6. These troubls being blowne over, and now 
all being compacte togeather in one shipe,* they put 
to sea againe with a prospems wipde, which continued 
diverce days togeather, which was some incourag- 
mente unto them; yet according to y^ usuall maner 
many \^ere afflicted with sea-sicknes. And I may not 
omite hear a spetiall worke of Gods providence. Ther 
was a proud & very profane yonge man, one of y* 

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more hauty; he would allway be contemning y* poore 
people in their sicknes, & cursing them dayly with 
gre^ous execrations, and did not let to tell them, that 
he hoped to help to cast halfe of them over board 
before they came to their jumeys end, and to make 
mery with what they had; and if he were by any 
gently reproved, he would curse and swear most 
bitterly. But it plased God before they came halfe 
seas over, to smite this yong man with a greeveous 
disease, of which he dyed in a desperate maner, and 
so was him selfe y* first y* was throwne overbord. 
Thus his curses light on his owne head; and it was 
an astonishmente to all his fellows, for they noted it 
to be y* just hand of God upon him. 

After they had injoyed faire winds and weather for 
a season, they were incountred many times with crosse 
winds, and mette with many feirce stormes, with which 
y* shipe was shroudly shaken, and her upper works 
made very leakie; and one of the maine beames in 
y® midd ships was bowed & craked, which put them 
in some fear that y* shipe could not be able to per- 
forme y* vioage. So some of y® cheefe of y* com- 
pany, perceiveing y* mariners to feare y® suffisiencie 
of y* shipe, as appeared by their mutterings, they 

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92 HISTOBY OP [chap. IX. 

great distraction & differance of opinion amongst y^ 
mariners them selves; faine would they doe what 
could be done for their wages sake, (being now halfe 
the seas over,) and on y* other hand they were loath 
to hazard their lives too desperatly. But in examen- 
ing of all opinions, the m^ & others affirmed they 
knew y* ship to be stronge & firme under water; and 
for the buckling of y^ maine beame, ther was a great 
iron scrue y® passengers brought out of Holland, which 
would raise y* beame into his place; y* which being 
done, the carpenter & m^ affirmed that with a post 
put under it, set firme in y* lower deck, & otherways 
bounde, he would make it sufficiente. And as for y^ 
decks & uper workes they would calke them as well 
as they could, and though with y' workeing of y* ship 
they [46] would not longe keepe stanch, yet ther 
would otherwise be no great danger, if they did not 
overpress her with sails. So they comited them selves 
to y® will of God, & resolved to proseede. In sundrie 
of these stormes the winds were so feirce, & y* seas 
so high, as they could not beare a knote of saile, but 
were forced to hull, for diverce days togither. And 
in one of them, as they thus lay at hull, in a mighty 
storme, a lustie yonge man (called John Howland) 
coming upon some occasion above y* grattings, was, 
with a seele of y* shipe throwne into [y*] sea; but 
it pleased God y* he caught hould of y* top-saile 
halliards, which hunge over board, & rane out at 

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length; yet he held his hould (though he was sundrie 
fadomes under water) till he was hald up by y^ same 
rope to y* brime of y* water, and then with a boat 
hooke & other means got into y"^ shipe againe, & his 
life saved; and though he was something ill with it, 
yet he lived many years after, and became a profitable 
member both in church & comone wealthe. In all this 
viage ther died but one of y* passengers, which was 
William Butten, a youth, servant to Samuell FuUer, 
when they drew near y® coast. But to omite other 
things, (that I may be breefe,) after longe beating at 
sea they fell with that land which is called Cape Cod ; 
the which being made & certainly knowne to be it, 
they were not a litle joy fall. After some deliberation 
had amongst them selves & with y® m^ of y* ship, they 
tacked aboute and resolved to stande for y® southward 
(y* wind & weather being faire) to finde some place 
aboute Hudsons river for their habitation. But after 
they had sailed y^ course aboute halfe y* day, they 
fell amongst deangerous shoulds and roring breakers, 
and they were so farr intangled ther with as they 
conceived them selves in great danger; & y* wind 
shrinking upon them withall, they resolved to bear 
up againe for the Cape, and thought them selves hapy 
to gett out of those dangers before night overtooke 

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94 HISTORY OP [chap. IX. 

thus first named by Capten Gosnole & his company,* 
An"": 1602, and after by Capten Smith was caled Cape 
James; but it retains y* former name amongst sea- 
men. Also y^ pointe which first shewed those danger- 
ous shoulds unto them, they called Pointe Care, & 
Tuckers Terrour ; but y* French & Dutch to this day 
call it Malabarr, by reason of those perilous shoulds, 
and y^ losses they have suffered their. 

Being thus arived in a good harbor and brought safe 
to land, they fell upon their knees & blessed y^ God 
of heaven, who had brought them over y* vast & 
furious ocean, and delivered them from all y* periles 
& miseries therof, againe to set their feete on y^ firme 
and stable earth, their proper elemente. And no mar- 
veil if they were thus joyefuU, seeing wise Seneca 
was so affected with sailing a few miles on y® coast 
of his owne Italy ; as he affirmed, f that he had rather 
remaine twentie years on his way by land, then pass 
by sea to any place in a short time; so tedious & 
dreadfiill was y^ same unto him. 

But hear I cannot but stay and make a pause, and 
stand half amased at this poore peoples presente con- 
dition; and so I thinke will the reader too, when he 
well considers [47 j y* same. Being thus passed y* 
vast ocean, and a sea of troubles before in their prep- 
aration (as may be remembred by y* which wente 

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nor inns to entertaine or refresh their weatherbeaten 
body 8, no houses or much less townes to repaire too, 
to seeke for succoure. It is recorded in scripture* 
as a mercie to y* apostle & his shipwraked company, 
y^ the barbarians shewed them no smale kindnes in 
refreshing them, but these savage barbarians, when 
they mette with them (as after will appeare) were 
readier to fill their sids fiill of arrows then other- 
wise. And for y* season it was winter, and they 
that know y* winters of y* cuntrie know them to be 
sharp & violent, & subjecte to cruell & feirce stormes, 
deangerous to travill to known places, much more to 
serch an unknown coast. Besids, what could they see 
but a hidious & desolate wildemes, full of wild beasts 
& willd men? and what multitude ther might be of 
them they knew not. Nether could they, as it were, 
goe up to y* tope of Pisgah, to vew from this willder- 
nes a more goodly cuntrie to feed their hops ; for 
which way soever they tumd their eys (save up- 
ward to y* heavens) they could have litle solace or 
content in respecte of any outward objects. For 
sumer being done, all things stand upon them with 
a wetherbeaten face; and y' whole couutrie, full of 
woods & thickets, represented a wild & savage heiw. 
If they looked behind them, ther was y® mighty 

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96 msTOBY OF [chap. IX. 

civill parts of y* world. If it be said they had a 
ship to sucour them, it is trew; but what heard 
they daly from y® m"". & company? but y* with 
speede they should looke out a place with their 
shallop, wher they would be at some near distance; 
for y^ season was shuch as be would not stirr from 
thence till a safe harbor was discovered by them 
wher they would be, and he might goe without 
danger; and that victells consumed apace, but he 
must & would keepe sufficient for them selves & 
their retume. Yea, it was muttered by some, that 
if they gott not a place in time, they would tume 
them & their goods ashore & leave them. Let it 
also be considred what weake hopes of supply & 
succoure they left behinde them, y' might bear up 
their minds in this sade condition and trialls they 
were under; and they could not but be very smale. 
It is true, indeed, y® affections & love of their 
brethren at Leyden was cordiall & entire towards 
them, but they had litle power to help them, or 
them selves; and how y^ case stode betweene them 
& y^ marchants at their coming away, hath allready 
been declared. What could now sustaine them but 
y* spirite of God & his grace? May not & ought 
not the children of these fathers rightly say: Our 

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but they cried unto y* Lord^ and he heard their voyce^ 
and looked on their adversities &c. Lei tliem therfore 
praise y* Lord, beeaiise he is goodj <& his mercies en- 
dure/or ever.* Yea^ let them which Jiave been redeemed 
of y Lordy shew how he hath delivered them from y* 
hand of \f oppressour. When they loandered in y* 
deserte wiUdemes oiU of y* way^ and found no citie 
to dwell in, both htmgrie^ S thirsHe^ their sowle was 
overwhelmed in them. Let them confess before y* Lord 
his loving hindneSj and his wonderfuU works before y* 
sons of men. 

The 10. Chap. 

Showing how they sought out a place of habitation^ and 
wJiat befell them theraboute. 

[48] Being thus arrived at Cap-Cod y* 11. of 
November, and necessitie caUing them to looke out 
a place for habitation , (as well as the maisters & 
mariners importunitie,) they having brought a large 
shalop with them out of England, stowed in quarters 
in y° ship, they now gott her out & sett their carpenters 
to worke to trime her up; but being much brused & 
shatered in y* shipe w*** foule weather, they saw she 
would be longe in mending. Wherupon a few of 
them tendered them selves to goe by land and dis- 
covere those nearest places, whilst y^ shallop was in 
mending; and y^ rather because as they wente into 


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98 HI8TOEY OP [chap. X. 

j^ harbor ther seemed to be an opening some 2. or 
3 leagues of, which y* maister judged to be a river 
It was conceived ther might be some danger in y* 
attempte, yet seeing them resolute, they were per- 
mited to goe, being 16. of them well armed, under 
y® conduct of Captain Standish, having shuch instruc- 
tions given them as was thought meete. They sett 
forth y« 15. of Nove**': and when they had marched 
aboute y* space of a mile by y* sea side, they espied 
5. or 6. persons with a dogg coming towards them, 
who were salvages; but they fled from them, & rane 
up into y* woods, and y* English followed them, 
partly to see if they could speake with them, and 
partly to discover if ther might not be more of them 
lying in ambush. But y^ Inde&ns seeing them selves 
thus followed, they againe forsooke the woods, & rane 
away on y® sands as hard as they could, so as they 
could not come near them, but followed them by y* 
tracte of their feet sundrie miles, and saw that they 
had come the same way. So, night coming on, they 
made their randevous & set out their sentinels, and 
rested in quiete y* nighty and the next morning fol- 
lowed their tracte till they had headed a great creake, 
& so left the sands, & turned an other way into y* 
woods. But they still followed them by geuss, hope- 
ing to find their dwellings ; but they soone lost both 

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but were most distresed for wante of drinke. But 
at length they found water & refreshed them selves, 
being y* first New-England water they drunke of, and 
was now in thir great thirste as pleasante unto them 
as wine or bear had been in for-times. Afterwards 
they directed their course to come to y* other [49] 
shore, for they knew it was a necke of land they 
were to crosse over, and so at length gott to y* 
sea-side, and marched to this supposed river, & by 
y* way found a pond of clear fresh water, and shortly 
after a good quantitie of clear ground wher y* Indeans 
had formerly set come, and some of their graves. 
And proceeding furder they saw new-stuble wher 
come had been set y^ same year, also they found 
wher latly a house had been, wher some planks and 
a great ketle was remaining, and heaps of sand newly 
padled with their hands, which they, digging up, found 
in them diverce faire Indean baskets filled with come, 
and some in eares, faire and good, of diverce collours, 
which seemed to them a very goodly sight, (haveing 
never seen any shuch before). This was near y* place 
of that supposed river they came to seeck ; unto which 
they wente and found it to open it selfe into 2. armcs 
with a high cliffe of sand in y^ enterance, hut more 
like to be crikes of salte water then any fresh, for 
ought they saw ; and that ther was good harborige 

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limeted them being expired, they returned to y* ship, 
least they should be in fear of their saftie; and tooke 
with them parte of y® come, and buried up y® rest, 
and so like y* men from EshcoU carried with them 
of y* fruits of y* land, & showed their breethren; of 
which, & their retume, they were manrelusly glad, and 
their harts incouraged. 

After this, y* shalop being got ready, they set out 
againe for y® better discovery of this place, & y* m*". 
of y* ship desired to goe him selfe, so ther went 
some 30. men, but found it to be no harbor for 
ships but only for boats; ther was allso found 2. 
of their houses covered with matts, & sundrie of 
their implements in them, but y® people were rune 
away & could not be seen; also ther was found 
more of their come, & of their beans of various 
coUours. The come & beans they brought away, 
purposing to give them full satisfaction when they 
should meete with any of them (as about some 6. 
months afterward they did, to their good contente). 
And here is to be noted a spetiall providence of 
God, and a great mercie to this poore people, that 
hear they gott seed to plant them come y* next 
year, or els they might have stai'ved, for they had 
none, nor any liklyhood to get any [50] till y* season 
had beene past (as y** sequell did manyfest). Neither 
is it lickly they had had this, if y* first viage had 

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with snowy & bard frozen. But the Lord is never 
wanting unto his in their greatest needs; let his holy 
name have all y praise. 

The month of November being spente in these afiairs, 
& much foule weather falling in, the 6. of Desenf: they 
sente out their shallop againe with 10. of their prin- 
cipall men, & some sea men, upon further discovery, 
intending to circulate that deepe bay of Cap-codd. 
The weather was very could, & it frose so hard as 
y* spi-ea of y* sea lighting on their coats, they were 
as if they had been glased; yet that night betimes 
they gott downe into y* botome of y* bay, and as 
they drue nere y* shore they saw some 10. or 12. 
Indeans very busie aboute some thing. They landed 
aboute a league or 2. from them, and had much a 
doe to put a shore any wher, it lay so full of flats. 
Being landed, it grew late, and they made them selves 
a barricade with loggs & bowes as well as they could 
in y time, & set out their sentenill & betooke them 
to rest, and saw y* smoake of y® fire y'' savages made 
y^ night. When morning was come they devided their 
company, some to coaste along y® shore in y® boate, 
and the rest marched throw y® woods to see y® land, 
if any fit place might be for their dwelling They 
came allso to y® place wher they saw the Indans y* 

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102 HISTORY OF [chap. X. 

by y* way; and y^ shallop found 2. more of these 
fishes dead on y^ sands, a thing usuall after storms 
in y* place, by reason of y* great flats of sand that 
lye of. So they ranged up and doune all y^ day, 
but found no people, nor any place they liked. When 
y® sune grue low, they hasted out of y* woods to meete 
with their shallop, to whom they made signes to come 
to them into a creeke hardby, the which they did at 
highwater; of which they were very glad, for they had 
not seen each other all y^ day, since y® morning. So 
they made them a barricado (as usually they did every 
night) with loggs, staks, & thike pine bowes, y® height 
of a man, leaving it open to leeward, partly to shelter 
them from y® could & wind (making their fire in y* 
midle, & lying round aboute it), and partly to defend 
them from any sudden assaults of y* savags, if they 
should surround them. So being very weary, they 
betooke them to rest. But aboute midnight j [51] they 
heard a hideous & great crie, and their sentinell caled, 
'* Arme, arme"; so they bes tired them & stood to their 
armes, & shote of a cupple of moskets, and then the 
noys seased. They concluded it was a companie of 
wolves, or such like willd beasts; for one of y® sea 
men tould them he had often heard shuch a noyse in 
New-found land. So they rested till about 5. of y® 
clock in the morning; for y** tide, & thcr purposs to 
goe from thence, made them be stiring betimes. So 

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day dawDingy it was thought best to be earring things 
downe to y^ boate. But some said it was not best 
to Carrie y* armes downe, others said they would be 
the readier, for they had laped them up in their coats 
from y* dew. But some 3. or 4. would not cary 
theirs till they wente them selves, yet as it fell out, 
y* water being not high enough, they layed them 
4owne on y® banke side, & came up to breakfistst. 
But presently, all on y sudain, they heard a great 
& strange crie, which they knew to be the same 
voyces they heard in y* night, though they varied 
their notes, & one of their company being abroad 
came runing in, & cried, **Men, Indeans, Indeans"; 
and w^all, their arowes came flying amongst them. 
Their men rane with all speed to recover their armes, 
J^s hy y* good providence of God they did. In y* 
mean time, of those that were ther ready, tow muskets 
were discharged at them, & 2. more stood ready in 
y*^ enterance of ther randevoue, but were comanded 
not to shoote till they could take full aime at them; 
& y* other 2. charged againe with all speed, for ther 
were only 4. had armes ther, & defended y* baricado 
which was first assalted. The crie of y^ Indeans was 
dreadfull, espetially when they saw ther men rune out 
of y** randevoue towourds y® shallop, to recover their 
armes, the Indeans wheeling aboute upon them. But 
some runing out with coats of malle on, & cutlasses 
in their hands, they soone got their armes, & let flye 

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104 msTOKY OF [chap. X. 

amongs them, and qaickly stopped their violence. Yet 
ther was a lustie man, and no less raliante, stood be- 
hind a tree within halfe a musket shot, and let his 
arrows flie at them. He was seen shoot 3. arrowes, 
which were all avoyded. He stood 3. shot of a 
musket, till one taking fiill aime at him, and made 
y' barke or splinters of y^ tree fly about his ears, 
after which he gave an extraordinary shrike, and away 
they wente all of them. They left some to keep }'• 
shalop, and followed them aboute a quarter of a mille, 
and shouted once or twise, and shot of 2. or 3. peces, 
& so returned. This they did, that they might con- 
ceive that they were not [52] affrade of them or any 
way discouraged. Thus it pleased God to vanquish 
their enimies, and give them deliverance; and by 
his spetiall providence so to dispose that not any one 
of them were either hurte, or hitt, though their 
arrows came close by them, & on every side them, 
and sundry of their coats, which hunge up in y* 
barricado, were shot throw & throw. Aterwards they 
gave God sollamne thanks & praise for their deliver- 
ance, & gathered up a bundle of their arrows, & 
sente them into England afterward by y* m*^. of y* 
ship, and culled that place y® first encounter. From 
hence they departed, & costed all along, but discerned 
no place likly for harbor; & therfore hasted to a 
place that their pillote, (one M*^. Coppin who had 
bine in y^ cuntrie before) did assure them was a good 

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harbor, which he had been in, and they might fetdi 
it before night; of which they were glad, for it be- 
gane to be foule weather. After some houres sailing, 
it begane to snow & raine, & about y* midle of y* 
aflemoone, y* wind increased, & y* sea became very 
rough, and they broake their rudder, & it was as much 
as 2. men could doe to steere her with a cupple of 
oares. But their pillott bad them be of good cheere, 
for he saw y® harbor; but y® storme increasing, & 
night drawing on, they bore what saile they could to 
gett in, while they could see. But her with they 
broake their mast in 3. peeces, & tlieir saill fell over 
bord, in a very grown sea, so as they had like to 
have been cast away; yet by Gods mercie they re- 
covered them selves, & having y* floud with them, 
struck into y® harbore. But when it came too, y* 
pillott was deceived in y® place, and said, y* Lord 
be mercifaU unto them, for his eys never saw y* 
place before; & he & the m^ mate would have rune 
her ashore, in a cove full of breakers, before y* winde. 
But a lusty seaman which steered, bad those which 
rowed, if they were men, about with her, or ells they 
were all cast away ; the which they did with speed. 
So he bid them be of good cheere & row lustly, for 
ther was a faire sound before them, & he doubted not 
but they should find one place or other wher they 
might ride in saftie. And though it was very darkej 
and rained sore, yet in y® end they gott under y* lee 

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106 HISTORY OF [chap. X. 

of a smalle Hand, and remained ther all y^ night in 
saftie. But they knew not this to be an iland till 
morning, but were devided in their minds ; some would 
keepe y® boate for fear they might be amongst y* 
Indians; others were so weake and could, they oould 
not endure, but got a shore, & with much adoe got 
fire, (all things being so wett,) and y^ rest were glad 
to come to them; for after midnight y* wind shifted 
to the [53] north-west, & it frose hard. But though 
this had been a day & night of much trouble & 
danger unto them, yet God gave them a morning of 
comforte & refreshing (as usually he doth to his chil- 
dren), for y*^ next day was a faire sunshinlg day, and 
they found them sellvs to be on an iland secure from 
y Indeans, wher they might drie their stufe, fixe their 
peeces, & rest them selves, and gave God thanks for 
his mercies, in their manifould' deliverances. And this 
being the last day of y* weeke^ they prepared ther to 
keepe y* SabcUh. On Munday they sounded y* harbor, 
and founde it fitt for shipping; and marched into y* 
land, & found diverse comfeilds, & litle runing brooks, 
a place (as they supposed) fitt for situation; at least 
it was y* best they could find, and y® season, & their 
presente necessitie, made them glad to accepte of it. 
So they returned to their shipp againe with this news 
to y* rest of their people, which did much comforte 
their harts. 

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On y* 15. 0^ Deaem'': they wayed anchor to goe to 
y^ place they had discoyered, & came within 2. leagues 
of it, but were faine to bear up againe; but y* 16. 
day y^ winde came faire, and they arrived safe in this 
harbor. And after wards tooke better view of y* 
place, and resolved wher to pitch their dwelling; 
and y* 25. day begane to erecte y* first house for 
comone use to receive them and their goods. 

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The 2. Booke. 

The rest of this History (if God give me life, & 
opportunitie) I shall, for brevitis sake, handle by way 
of annaUs^ noteing only the heads of principall things, 
and passages as they fell in order of time, and may 
seeme to be profitable to know, or to make use of. 
And this may be as y* 2. Booke. 

The remainder of An"": 1620. 

I SHALL a litle retame baoke and begine with a 
combination made by them before they came ashore, 
being y® first foundation of their govermente in this 
place ; occasioned partly by y* discontented & mutinous 
speeches that some of the strangers amongst them had 
let fall from them in y« ship — That when they came 
a shore they would use their owne libertie; for none 
had power to comand them, the patente they had 
being for Virginia, and not for New-england, which 
belonged to an other Goverment, with which y* Vir- 
ginia Company had nothing to doe. And partly that 
shuch an [54j acte by them done (this their condi- 

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110 msTORT OF [book ii. 

In y* name of Grod, Amen. We whose names are under- 
writen, the loyall subjects of our dread soveraigne Lord, King 
James, by y* grace of Grod, of Great Britaine, Franc, & Ireland 
king, defender of y* faith, &c., haveing undertaken, for y* glorie 
of God, and advancemente of y* Christian faith, and honour of 
our king & countrie, a voyage to plant y* firat colonic in y* 
Northeme parts of Virginia, doe by these presents solemnly & • 
mutualy in y* presence of God, and one of another, covenant 
& combine our selves togeather into a civill body politick, for 
our better ordering & preservation & furtherance of y* ends 
aforesaid; and by vertue hearof to enacte, constitute, and 
frame such just & equall lawes, ordinances, acts, constitu- 
tions, & offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most 
meete & convenient for y* generall good of y* Colonic, unto 
which we promise all due submission and obedience. In witnes 
wherof we have hereunder subscribed our names at Cap-Codd 
y* 11. of November, in y* year of y* raigne of our soveraigne 
lord, King James, of England, France, & Ireland y* eighteenth, 
and of Scotland y* fiftie fourth. An^: Dom. 1620. 

After this they chose, or rather confirmed, M*^. John 
Carver (a man godly & well approved amongst them) 
their Govemour for that year. And after they had 
provided a place for their goods, or comone store, 
(which were long in unlading for want of boats, 
foulnes of winter weather, and sicknes of diveroe,) 
and begune some small cottages for their habitation, 
as time would admitte, they mette and consulted of 
lawes & orders, both for their civill & military Gov- 
ermente, as y' necessitie of their condition did re- 
quire, still adding therunto as urgent occasion in 
severall times, and as cases did require. 

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^rnot?'nUJtL<^c^^vUTvUyt4fo^fj^^€Ta;l^^cl0fy Co/S^te: <Z.^ ] 

CoMrf-ii- ofneuf^^^tfy^yytac^ofyr^f^e ofo^^ So^er^< 

yt^ . Jtr^d aff^^ 4Acy A^ii ^rou.itid a: ^r^c3^ fir^ '^'^^ r!^ 

f.^i^^ rf/Jin4^ ^.«^.^. W/.-.^-.. -//.W-r^^ w'f^ 
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' ^^ ift^i/* AcLt-4 ^dyfcx^efo^ /^iWiK^' -*^e/^tA^^^yJ^i^ ei<fc0^4ttvk 
\ rf^w>|^/i*«HCv^ ^M^^^l^^cy^^ caTra^^orf-fAx-n^^Ayj^^uT. 

)^ — -*-"~- — - — • — ** - -i— - .^. - - — — - — ' * ■ ^ 

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In these hard & difficulte begiDings they found some 
discontents & murmurings arise amongst some, and 
mutinous speeches & carriags in other; but they were 
soone quelled & overcome by y^ wisdome, patience, 
and just & equall carrage of things by y« Gov"^ and 
better part, w^ clave fSadthfully togeather in y* maine. 
But that which was most sadd & lamentable was, 
that in 2. or 3. moneths time halfe of their com- 
pany dyed, espetialy in Jan: & February, being y* 
depth of winter, and wanting houses & other com- 
forts; being infected with y** scurvie & [55] other 
diseases, which this long vioage & their inacomodate 
condition had brought upon them; so as ther dyed 
some times 2. or 3, of a day, in y« foresaid time; 
that of 100. & odd persons, scarce 50. remained. And 
of these in y* time of most distres, ther was but 6. 
or 7. sound persons, who, to their great comendations 
be it spoken, spared no pains, night nor day, but 
with abundance of toyle and hazard of their owne 
health, fetched them woode, made them fires, drest 
them meat, made their beads, washed their lothsome 
cloaths, cloathed & uncloathed them; in a word, did 
all y* homly & necessarie offices for them w*^** dainty 
& quesie stomacks cannot endure to hear named ; and 
all this willingly & cherfiilly, without any grudging 
in y*' least, shewing herein their true love unto their 
freinds & bretheren. A rare example & worthy to 
be remembred. Tow of these 7. were M'. William 

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112 HISTORY OF [book II, 

Brewster, ther reverend Elder, & Myles Standish, ther 
Captein & military comander, unto whom my selfe, 
& many others, were much beholden in our low & 
sicke condition. And yet the Lord so upheld these 
persons, as in this generall calamity they were not at 
all infected either with sicknes, or lamnes. And what 
I have said of these, I may say of many others who 
dyed in this generall vissitation, & others yet living, 
that whilst they had health, yea, or any strength con- 
tinuing, they were not wanting to any that had need 
of them. And I doute not but tlieir recompence is 
with y® Lord. 

But I may not hear pass by an other remarkable 
passage not to be forgotten. As this calamitie fell 
among y* passengers that were to be left here to 
plant, and were hasted a shore and made to drinke 
water, that y® sea-men might have y^ more bear, and 
one * in his sieknes desiring but a small cann of 
beere, it was answered, that if he were their owne 
£Ekther he should have none; the disease begane to 
£Ekll amongst them also, so as allmost halfe of their 
company dyed before they went away, and many of 
their officers and lustyest men, as y*' boatson, gunner, 
3. quarter-maisters, the cooke, & others. At w°** y* 
m^ was something strucken and sent to y^ sick a 
shore and tould y* Gc*" he should send for beer for 

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homward boand. But now amongst his company [56] 
ther was fi^rr another kind of carriage in this miserie 
then amongst y® passengers; for they that before had 
been boone companions in drinking & joyllity in y^ 
time of their health & wellfare^ begane now to deserte 
one another in this calamitie, saing they would not 
hasard ther lives for them, they should be infected 
by coming to help them in their cabins, and so, after 
they came to dye by it, would doe litle or nothing 
for them, but if they dyed let them dye. But shuch 
of y* passengers as were yet abord shewed them what 
mercy they could, w^** made some of their harts re- 
lente, as y^ boatson (& some others), who was a 
prowd yonge man, and would often curse & scofe at 
y° passengers; but when he grew weak, they had 
compassion on him and helped him ; then he con- 
fessed he did not deserve it at their hands, he had 
abused them in word & deed. O I saith he, you, I 
now see, shew your love like Christians indeed one 
to another, but we let one another lye & dye like 
doggs. Another lay cursing his wife, saing if it had 
not ben for her he had never come this unlucky vis^e, 
and anone cursing his felows, saing he had done this 
& that, for some of them, he had spente so much, 
& so much, amongst them, and they were now weary 
of him, and did not help him, having need. Another 
gave his companion all he had, if he died, to help 
him in his weaknes; he went and got a litle spise 

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& made him a mess of meat once or twise, and be- 
cause he dyed not so soone as he expected, he went 
amongst his fellows, & swore y* rogue would cousen 
him, he would see him choaked before he made him 
any more meate; and yet y* pore fellow dyed before 

All this while y* Indians came skulking about them, 
and would sometimes show them selves aloofe of, but 
when any aproached near them, they would rune away. 
And once they stoale away their tools wher they had 
been at worke, & were gone to diner. But about y^ 
16. of March a certaine Indian came bouldly amongst 
them, and spoke to them in broken English, which 
they could well understand, but marvelled at it. At 
length they understood by discourse with him, that he 
was not of these parts, but belonged to y* eastrene 
parts, wher some English-ships came to fhish, with 
whom he was aquainted, & could name sundrie of 
them by their names, amongst whom he had gott 
his language. He became proftable to them [57 J in 
aquainting them with many things concerning y® state 
of y* cuntry in y*" east-parts wher he lived, which was 
afterwards profitable unto them; as also of y* people 
hear, of their names, number, & strength; of their 
situation & distance from this place, and who was 
cheefe amongst them. His name was Samasel; he 
tould them also of another Indian whos name was 
SquarUo^ a native of this place, who had been in Eng- 

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land & could speake better English then him selfe. 
Beings after some time of entertainmente & gifts, dis- 
mist, a while after he came againe, & 5. more with 
him, & they brought againe all y* tooles that were 
stolen away before, and made way for y® coming of 
their great Sachem, called Maasasoyt; who, about 4. 
or 5. days after ^ came with the cheefe of his freinds 
& other attendance, with the aforesaid Squanto. With 
whom, after frendly entertainment, & some gifl» given 
him, they made a peace with him (which hath now 
continued this 24. years) in these terms. 

1. That neither he nor any of his, should injurie 
or doe hurte to any of their peopl. 

2. That if any of his did any hurte to any of 
theirs, he should send y* offender, that they might 
punish him. 

3. That if any thing were taken away from any of 
theirs, he should cause it to be restored; and they 
should doe y^ like to his. 

4. If any did unjustly warr against him, they would 
aide him; if any did warr against them, he should 
aide them. 

5. He should send to his neighbours confederats, 
to certifie them of this, that they might not wrong 
them, but might be likewise comprised in y* condi- 
tions of peace. 

6. That when ther men came to them, they should 
leave their bows & arrows behind them. 

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116 HISTORY OP [book U. 

After these things he returned to his place caled 
SowamSy some 40. mile from this place, but SquarUo 
contiued with them, and was their interpreter, and 
was a spetiall instrument sent of God for their good 
beyond their expectation. He directed them how to 
set their come, wher to take fish, and to procure other 
comodities, and was also their pilott to bring them to 
unknowne places for their profitt, and never left them 
till he dyed. He was a native [58] of this places & 
scarce any left alive besids him selfe. He was caried 
away with diverce others by one Hunt^ a m'. of a 
ship, who thought to sell them for slaves in Spaine; 
but he got away for England, and was entertained by 
a marchante in London, & imployed to New-found- 
land & other parts, & lastly brought hither into these 
parts by one M'. Dermer^ a gentle-man imployed by 
S^ Ferdinando Gorges & others, for discovery, & other 
designes in these parts. Of whom I shall say some 
thing, because it is mentioned in a booke set forth 
An**: 1622. by y* Presidentc & Counsell for New-Eng- 
land,* that he made y® peace betweene y* salvages 
of these parts & y® English; of which this planta- 
tion, as it is intimated, had y° benefite. But what a 
peace it was, may apeare by what befell him & his 

This M'. Dermer was hear the same year that these 
people came, as apears by a relation written by him, 

• Page 17. 

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& given me by a freind, bearing date Jane 30, Ap"": 
1620. And they came in Novemb': following, so ther 
was but 4. months differance. In which relation to 
his honored freind, he hath these passages of this very 

I •will first begine (saith he) w*** that place from whence 
Squanto^ or Tisquantem^ was taken away ; w*** In Cap: Smiths 
mape is called Piimoth : and I would that Plimoth had y* like 
comodities. I would that the first plantation might hear be 
seated, if ther come to the number of 50. persons, or upward. 
Otherwise at Charlton, becaase ther y' savages are lese to be 
feared. The PocanawkitSy which live to y* west of Plimoth^ 
bear an inveterate malice to y* English, and are of more 
streingth then all y* savags from thence to Penobscote. Their 
desire of revenge was occasioned by an English man, who hav- 
ing many of them on bord, made a great slaughter with their 
murderers & smale shot, when as (they say) they offered no 
injurie on their parts. Whether they were English or no, it 
may be douted; yet they beleeve they were, for y* Frenche 
have so possest them; for which cause Squanto canot deney 
bat tbey would have kiled me when I was at Namasket^ had 
he not entreated hard for me. The soyle of y* borders of 
[59] this great bay, may be compared to most of y* planta- 
tions which I have scene in Virginia. The land is of diverce 
sorts; for PataxUe is a hardy but strong soyle, Nawsel & 
SaughtugTUett are for y* most part a blakish & deep mould, 
much like that wher groweth y" best Tobaco in Virginia. 
In y* botume of y' great bay is store of Codd & basse, or 
mulett, &c. 

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118 HISTORY OF [book II. 

Massachussets is about 9. leagues from Plimoth^ & situate 
in y* mids betweene both^ is full of ilands & peninsules very 
fertiU for y* most part«. 

With sundrie shuch relations which I forbear to tran- 
scribe, being now better knowne then they were to him. 

He was taken prisoner by y® Indeans at ManamoiaJc 
(a place not farr from hence, now well knowne). He 
gave them what they demanded for his liberty, but 
when they had gott what they desired, they kept him 
still & indevored to kill his men ; but he was freed 
by seasing on some of them, and kept them bound 
till they gave him a cannows load of corne. Of 
which, see Purch: lib. 9. fol. 1778. But this was 
An«: 1619. 

After y® writing of y® former relation he came to 
y® He of Capawack (which lyes south of this place 
in y* way to Virginia), and y* foresaid SquarUo w"^ 
him, wher he going a shore amongst y^ Indans to 
trad, as he used to doe, was betrayed & assaulted by 
them, & all his men slainey but one that kept the boat; 
but him solfe gott abord very sore wounded, & they 
had cut of his head upon y® cudy of his boat, had 
not y*^ man reskued him with a sword. And so they 
got away, & made shift to gett into Virginia, wher 
he dyed; whether of his wounds or y® diseases of 
y* enntrie, or both togeather, is uncertaine. [60] By 
all which it may appeare how farr these people were 
from peace, and with what danger this plantation was 

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begune, save as y* powerfuU hand of the Lord did 
protect them. These things* were partly the reason 
why they kept aloofe & were so long before they 
came to the English. An other reason (as after them 
selvs made know) was how aboute 3. years before^ a 
French-ship was cast away at Cap^Coddy but y* men 
gott ashore, & saved their lives, and much of their 
victails, & other goods; but after y* Indeans heard 
of it, they geathered togeather from these parts, and 
never left watching & dogging them till they got 
advantage, and Jcild them all but 3. or 4. which they 
kept, & sent from one Sachem to another, to make 
sporte with, and used them worse then slaves; (of 
which y* foresaid M'. Dermer redeemed 2. of them;) 
and they conceived this ship was now come to re- 
venge it. 

Also, (as after was made knowne,) before they came 
to y^ English to make freindship, they gott all the 
Puwachs of y* cuntrie, for 3. days togeather, in a 
horid and divellish maner to curse & execrate them 
with their cunjurations, which asembly & service they 
held in a darke & dismale swampe. 

But to retume. The spring now approaching, it 
pleased God the mortalitie begane to cease amongst 
them, and y* sick and lame recovered apace, which 
put as it were new life into them; though they had 

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120 HISTOBY OP [book II. 

tentedneSy as I thinke any people could doe. But it 
was y^ Lord which upheld them, and had beforehand 
prepared them; many having long borne y* yoake, yea 
from their youth. Many other smaler maters I omite, 
sundrie of them having been allready published in a 
Jumall made by one of y* company; and some other 
passages of jumeys and relations allredy published, to 
which I referr those that are willing to know them 
more perticulerly. And being now come to y* 25. 
of March I shall begine y® year 1621. 

[61] Anno. 1621. 
They now begane to dispatch y* ship away which 
brought them over, which lay tille aboute this time, 
or y® begining of AprilU The reason on their parts 
why she stayed so long, was y* necessitie and danger 
that lay upon them, for it was well towards y* ende 
of Desember before she could land any thing hear, or^ 
they able to receive any thing ashore. Afterwards, 
y® 14. of Jan: the house which they had made for a 
generall randevoze by casulty fell afire, and some were 
faine to retire abord for shilter. Then the sicknes 
begane to fall sore amongst them, and y*^ weather so 
bad as they could not make much sooner any dispatch. 
Againe, the Gov' & cheefe of them, seeing so many 
dye, and fall downe sick dayly, thought it no wisdom 

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oould procure some shelter; and therfore thou^t it 
better to draw some more charge upon them selves 
& freinds, then hazard all. The m^ and sea-men like- 
wise, though before they hasted y^ passengers a shore 
to be goone, now many of their men being dead, & 
of y* ablest of them, (as is before noted,) and of 
y* rest many lay sick & weake, y* m'. durst not put 
to sea, till he saw his men begine to recover, and y* 
hart of winter over. 

Afterwards they (as many as were able) began to 
plant ther come, in which senrise Squanto stood them 
in great stead, showing them both y^ maner how to 
set it, and aftier how to dress & tend it. Also he 
tould them excepte they gott fish & set with it (in 
these old grounds) it would come to nothing, and he 
showed them y' in y* midle of Aprill they should have 
store enough come up y® brooke, by which they be- 
gane to build, and taught them how to take it, and 
wher to get other provissions necessary for them; all 
which they found true by triall & experience. Some 
English seed they sew, as wheat & pease, but it came 
not to good, eather by y® badnes of y* seed, or latenes 
of y* season, or both, or some other defecte. 

[62] In this month of Aprill whilst they were bussie 
about their seed, their Gov' (M'. John Carver) came 
out of y* feild very sick, it being a hott day; he 

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122 HisTOBY OP [book n. 

spake more till be dyed, which was within a few days 
after. Whoss death was much lamented, and caused 
great heavlnes «BMUigst them, as ther was cause. He 
was buried in y^ best maner they could, with some 
vollies of shott by all that bore armes; and his wife, 
being a weak woman, dyed within 5. or 6. weeks after 

Shortly afl^r William Bradford was chosen Gove' in 
bis stead, and being not yet recoverd of his ilnes, 
in which he had been near y^ point of death, Isaak 
Allerton was chosen to be an Asistante unto him, 
who, by renewed election every year, continued sundry 
years togeather, which I hear note once for all. 

May 12. was y* first manage in this place, which, 
according to y* laudable custome of y* Low-Cuntries, 
in which they had lived, was thought most requisite 
to be performed by the magistrate, as being a civill 
thing, upon which many questions aboute inheritances 
doe depende, with other things most proper to their 
cognizans, and most consonante to y® scripturs, Ruth 
4. and no wher found in y* gospell to be layed on 
y* ministers as a part of their office. **This decree 
or law about manage was published by y* Stats of 
y® Low-Cuntries An**: 1590. That those of any re- 
ligion, after lawfull and open publication, coming before 
y* magistrats, in y® Town or Stat^house, were to be 
orderly (by them) maried one to another." Petets 
Hist, fol: 1029. And this practiss hath continued 

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amoDgBt, not only them, bat hath been followed by 
all y famous churches of Christ in these parts to 
this time, — An*»: 1646. 

Haveing in some sorte ordered their bussines at 
home, it was thought meete to send some abroad to 
see their new freind Massasoyet, and to bestow upon 
him some gratuitie to bind him y® faster unto them; 
as also that hearby they might veiw y* countrie, and 
see in what maner he lived, what strength he had 
aboute him, and how y* ways were to his place, if 
at any time they should have occasion. So y 2. of 
July they sente M'. Edward Winslow & M'. Hopkins, 
with y^ foresaid Squanto for ther guid, who gave him 
a suite of cloaths, and a borsemans coate, with some 
other small things, which were kindly accepted; but 
they found but short comons, and came both weary 
& hungrie home. For y^ Indeans used then to have 
nothing [63] so much come as they have since y^ 
English have stored them with their hows, and scene 
their Industrie in breaking up new grounds therwith. 
They found his place to he 40. miles from hence^ y* 
soyle good, & y® people not many, being dead & 
abundantly wasted in y® late great mortalitie which 
fell in all these parts aboute three years before y* 
coming of y* English, wherin thousands of them dyed, 
they not being able to burie one another; ther sculs 
and bones were found in many places lying still above 
ground, where their houses & dwellings had been; a 

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124 HISTORY or [book u. 

very sad spectackle to behould. But they brought 
word that y* Narighansets lived but on y* other side 
of that great bay, & were a strong people, & many 
in number, living compacte togeather, & had not been 
at all touched with this wasting plague. 

Aboute y* later end of this months one John Billing- 
ton lost him selfe in y^ woods, & wandered up & 
downe some 5. days, living on beries & what he could 
find. At length he light on an Indean plantation, 20. 
mils south of this place, called Manamety they conveid 
him furder of, to Nawsett^ among those peopl that had 
before set upon y* English when they were costing, 
whilest y* ship lay at y® Cape, as is before noted. 
But y* Gove' caused him to be enquired for among 
y*^ Indeans, and at length Massassoyt sent word wher 
he was, and y® Gove' sent a shalop for him, & had 
him delivered. Those people also came and made their 
peace; and they gave full satisfaction to those whose 
coine they had found & taken when they were at Cap- 

Thus ther peace & aquaintance was prety well estab- 
lisht w*^ the natives aboute them; and ther was an 
other Indean called Hobamack come to live amongst 
them, a proper lustie man, and a man of accounte 
for his vallour & parts amongst y^ Indeans, and con- 
tinued very faithful! and constant to y^ English till 
he dyed. He & Squanto being gone upon bussines 
amonge y* Indeans, at their returne (whether it was 

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out of envie to them or malice to the Englkh) ther 
wa8 a Sachem called Corbitant, alyed to Massassoyto, 
but never any good freind to y® English to this day, 
mett with them at an Indean towne caled Namassakett 
14. miles to y* west of this place, and begane to 
quarell w^ [64] them, and offered to stabe Hobamack; 
but being a lusty man, he cleared him selfe of him, 
and came ruiiing away all sweating and tould y* Gov' 
what had befistlne him, and he feared they had killed 
Squanto, for they threatened them both, and for no 
other cause but because they were freinds to y* Eng- 
lish, and servisable unto them. Upon this y* Gove' 
taking counsell, it was conceivd not fitt to be borne; 
for if they should suffer their freinds & messengers 
thus to be wronged, they should have none would 
cleave unto them, or give them any inteligence, or 
doe them serviss afterwards; but nexte they would 
fell upon them selves. Whereupon it was resolved to 
send y^ Captaine & 14. men well armed, and to goe 
& fall upon them in y® night; and if they found that 
Squanto was kild, to cut of Corbitants head, but noC 
to hurt any but those that had a hand in it. Hoba- 
mack was asked if he would goe & be their guid, 
& bring them ther before day. He said he would, & 
bring them to y^ house wher the man lay, and show 
them which was he. So they set forth y* 14. of 
Augusty and beset y* house round; the Captin giving 
chai^ to let none pass out, entred y® house to search 

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126 msTOBY or [book ii. 

for him. Bat he was goone away that day, so they 
mist him; but understood y^ Squanto was alive, & 
that he had only threatened to kill him, & made an 
offer to stabe him but did not. So they withheld 
and did no more hurte, & y® people came trembling, 
& brought them the best provissions they had, after 
they were aquainted by Hobamack what was only in- 
tended. Ther was 3. sore wounded which broak out 
of y® house, and asaid to pass through y^ garde. 
These they brought home with them, & they had 
their wounds drest & cured, and sente home. After 
this they had many gratulations from diverce sachims, 
and much firmer peace ; yea, those of y* lies of Capa- 
wack sent to make frendship; and this Corbitant him 
selfe used y^ mediation of Massassoyte to make his 
peace, but was shie to come neare them a longe while 

After this, y"* 18. of SepemV: they sente out ther 
shalop to the Massachusets, with 10. men, and Squanto 
for their guid and [65] interpreter, to discover and 
veiw that bay, and trade with y® natives; the which 
they performed, and found kind entertaineraent. The 
people were much affraid of y* Tarentins, a people to 
y* eastward which used to come in harvest time and 
take away their come, & many times kill their persons. 
They returned in saftie, and brought home a good 
quanty of beaver, and made reporte of y* place, wish- 
ing they had been ther seated; (but it seems y* Lord^ 

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who assignes to all men y® bounds of their habitations, 
had apoynted it for an other use). And thus they 
found y* Lord to be with them in all their ways, and 
to blesse their outgoings & incomings, for which let 
his holy name have y* praise for ever, to all posteritie. 

They begane now to gather in y* small harvest they 
had, and to fitte up their houses and dwellings against 
winter, being all well recovered in health & strenght, 
and had all things in good plenty; for as some were 
thus imployed in affairs abroad, others were excersised 
in fishing, aboute codd, & bass, & other fish, of which 
y*^ tooke good store, of which every family had their 
portion. All y® somer ther was no wante. And now 
begane to come in store of foule, as winter aproached, 
of which this place did abound when they came first 
(but afterward decreased by degrees). And besids 
water foule, ther was great store of wild Turkies, of 
which they tooke many, besids venison, &c. Besids 
they had aboute a peck a meale a weeke to a person. 
or now since harvest, Indean come to y* proportion. 
Which made many aft;erwards write so largly of their 
plenty hear to their freinds in England, which were 
not fained, but true reports. 

In Novemb% about y* time twelfe month that them 
selves came, ther came in a small ship to them unex- 
pected or loked for,* in which came M'. Cushman (so 

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128 HISTORY OF [book H. 

remaine & live in y"" plantation ; which did not a litle 
rejoyce them. And they when they came a shore and 
found all well, and saw plenty of vitails in every 
house, were no less glade. For most of them were 
lusty yonge men, and many of them wild enough, 
who litle considered whither or aboute what they 
wente, till they came into y* harbore at Cap-Codd, 
and ther saw nothing but a naked and barren place. 
They then begane to thinke what should become of 
them, if the people here were dead or cut of by y* 
Indeans. They begane to consulte (upon some speeches 
that some of y^ sea-men had cast out) to take y^ say Is 
from y* yeard least y® ship [66] should gett away and 
leave them ther. But y® m'. hereing of it, gave them 
good words, and tould them if any thing but well 
should have befallne y* people hear, he hoped he had 
vitails enough to cary them to Virginia, and whilst he 
had a bitt they should have their parte ; which gave 
them good satisfaction. So they were all landed ; but 
ther was not so much as bisket-cake or any other 
victialls* for them, neither had they any beding, but 
some sory things they had in their cabins, nor pot, 
nor pan, to drese any meate in ; nor overmany cloaths, 
for many of them had brusht away their coats & cloaks 
at Plimoth as they came. But ther was sent over some 
burching-lane suits in y® ship, out of which they were 

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of strenght, but could have wished tbat many of them 
had been of beter condition, and all of them beter 
furnished with provissions; but y* could not now be 

In this ship M^ Weston sent a large leter to M^ 
Carver, y* late Gove', now deseased, fall of complaints 
& expostulations aboute former passagess at Hampton; 
and y* keeping y* shipe so long in y* country, and 
returning her without lading, &c., which for brevitie 
I omite. The rest is as folio weth. 

PaH of Mr. Westons letter. 

1 durst never aqaainte y* adventurers with j* alteration of 
y^ conditions first agreed on betweene us, which I have since 
been very glad of, for I am well assured had they knowne as 
much as I doe, they would not have adventured a halfe-peny 
of what was necesary for this ship. That you sent no lading 
in the ship is wonderfull, and worthily distasted. I know you' 
weaknes was the cause of it, and I beleeve more weaknes of 
judgmente, then weaknes of hands. A quarter of y* time you 
spente in discoursing, arguing, <& consulting, would have done 
much more ; but that is past, &c. If you mean, bona fide, to 
performe the conditions agreed upon, doe us y* favore to coppy 
them out faire, and subscribe them with y* principall of your 
names. And likwise give us accounte as perticuierly as you 
can how our moneys were laid out. And then I shall be able 
to give them some satisfaction, whom I am now forsed with 
good words to shift of. And consider that y* life of the bussi- 
nes depends on y* lading of this ship, which, if you doe to any 
good purpose, that I may be freed from y* great sums I have 
disbursed for y* former, and must doe for the later, / promise 

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130 HISTORY OP [book II. 

you I win never quit y* bussinesj though all the other CLdventurers 


[67] We have procured you a Charter, the best we could, 

which is beter then your former, and with less limitation. For 

any thing y' is els worth writting, M^ Cushman can informe 

you. I pray write instantly for M'. Robinson to come to you. 

And so praying God to blesse you with all graces nessessary 

both for this life & that to come, I rest 

Your very loving frend, 

Tho. Weston. 
London, July 6. 1621. 

This ship (caled j* Fortune) was speedily dispatcht 
away, being laden with good clapbord as full as she 
could stowe, and 2. boggsheads of beaver and otter 
skins, which they gott with a few trifling comodities 
brought with them at first, being ftUtogeather unpro- 
vided for trade; neither was ther any amongst them 
that ever saw a beaver skin till they came hear, and 
were informed by Squanto. The fraight was estimated 
to be worth near 500". M'. Cushman returned backe 
also with this ship, for so Mr. Weston & y*' rest had 
apoynted him, for their better information. And he 
doubted not, nor them selves neither, but they should 
have a speedy supply; considering allso how by M'. 
Cushmans perswation, and letters received from Ley- 
den, wherin they willed them so to doe, they yeelded * 

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ton, who bad made y^ large promise in his leter, (as 
is before noted,) that if all y* rest should fell of, yet 
he would never quit y* bussines, but stick to them, 
if they yeelded to y® conditions, and sente some lad- 
ing in y*' ship; and of this M^ Cushman was confi- 
dent, and confirmed y^ same from his mouth, & serious 
protestations to him selfe before he came. But all 
proved but wind, for he was y^ first and only man 
that forsooke them, and that before he so much as 
heard of y* retume of this ship, or knew what was 
done; (so vaine is y*^ confidence in man.) But of this 
more in its place. 

A leter in answer to his write to M^ Carver, was 
sente to him from y* Gov*", of which so much as is 
pertenente to y*' thing in hand I shall hear inserte. 

S': Your large letter writen to M'. Carver, and dated y* 6. 
of July, 1621, I have received y* 10. of Novemb% wherin 
(after y* apologie made for your selfe) you lay many heavie 
imputations upon him and us all. Touching him, he is de- 
parted this life, and now is at rest [68] in y® Lord from all 
those troubls and incoumbrances with which we are yet to 
strive. He needs not my appologie ; for his care and pains 
was so great for y* commone good, both ours and yours, as 
that therwith (it is thought) he oppressed him selfe and short- 
ened his days ; of whose loss we cannot sufHcientl}' complaiue. 
At great charges in this adventure, I confess you have beene, 
and many losses may sustaine; but y® loss of his and many 
other honest and industrious mens lives, cannot be vallewed 
at any prise. Of y* one, ther may be hope of recovery, but 
y* other no recompence can make good. But 1 will not in- 

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132 HISTORY OP [book n. 

Biste in generalls, but come more perticulerly to y" things them 
selves. You greatly blame us for keping y* ship so long in 
y* countrie, and then to send her away emptie. She lay 5. 
weks at Cap-Codd, whilst with many a weary step (^after a 
long journey) and the indurance of many a hard brunte, we 
sought out in the foule winter a place of habitation. Then 
we went in so tedious a time to make provission to sheelter 
us and our goods, aboute w^ labour, many of our armes & 
leggs can tell us to this day we were not uecligent. But it 
pleased God to vissite us then, with death dayly, and with 
80 generall a disease, that the living were scarce able to burie 
the dead ; and y* well not in any measure sufficiente to tend 
y* sick. And now to be so greatly blamed, for not fraighting 
y* ship, doth indeed goe near us, and much discourage us. But 
you say you know we will pretend weaknes ; and doe you think 
we had not cause? Yes, you tell us you beleeve it, but it was 
more weaknes of judgmente, then of hands. Our weaknes herin 
is great we confess, therfore we will bear this check patiently 
amongst y* rest, till God send us wiser men. But they which 
tould you we spent so much time in discoursing & consulting, 
&c., their harts can tell their toungs, they lye. They cared 
not, so they might salve their owne sores, how they wounded 
others. Indeed, it is our callamitie that we are (beyound ex- 
pectation) yoked with some ill conditioned people, who will 
never doe good, but corrupte and abuse others, &c. 

The rest of y* letter declared how they had sub- 
scribed those conditions according to his desire, and 
sente him y* former accounts very perticulerly; also 
bow y^ ship was laden, and in what condition their 
affairs stood; that y® coming of these [69] people 
would bring famine upon them unavoydably, if they 

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fally informe him & y* rest of y* adventurers). Abo 
that seeing he was now satisfied in all his demands, 
that offences would be forgoten, and he remember his 
promise, &c. 

After y^ departure of this ship, (which stayed not 
above 14. days,) the Gove** & his assistante haveing 
disposed these late comers into severall families, as 
y^^ best could, tooke an exacte accounte of all their 
provissions in store, and proportioned y* same to y* 
number of persons, and found that it would not hould 
out above 6. months at halfe alowance, and hardly that. 
And they could not well give less this winter time till 
fish came in againe. So they were presently put to 
half alowance, one as well as an other, which begane 
to be hard, but they bore it patiently under hope of 

Sone aflier this ships departure, y*' great people of 
y* Narigansets, in a braving maner, sente a messenger 
unto them with a bundl of arrows tyed aboute with 
a great sneak-skine; which their interpretours tould 
them was a threatening & a chaleng. Upon whicl^ 
y* Gov', with y* advice of others, sente them a round 
answere, that if they had rather have warre then peace, 
they might begine when they would; they had done 
them no wrong, neither did y*^ fear them, or should 
they find them unprovided. And by another messenger 

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134 HISTORY OF [book II. 

these things I doe but mention, because they are more 
at large allready put forth in printe, by M^ Winslow, 
at y® requeste of some freinds. And it is like y* 
reason was their owne ambition, who, (since y® death 
of so many of y® Indeans,) thought to dominire & 
lord it over y** rest, & conceived y** English would be a 
barr in their way, and saw that Massasoyt took sheil- 
ter allready under their wings. 

But this made them y^ more carefully to looke to 
them selves, so as they agreed to inclose their dwell- 
ings with a good strong pale, and make flankers in 
convenient places, with gates to shute, which were 
every night locked, and a watch kept, and when neede 
required ther was also warding in y« day time. And 
y* company was by y* Captaine and y* Gov' [70] ad- 
vise, devided into 4. squadrons, and every one had 
ther quarter apoynted them, unto which they were to 
repaire upon any suddane alarme. And if ther should 
be any crie of fire, a company were appointed for a 
gard, with muskets, whilst others quenchet y^ same, to 
prevent Indean treachery. This was accomplished very 
cherfiilly, and y*' towne impayled round by y® begin- 
ing of March, in which evry family had a prety garden 
plote secured. And herewith I shall end this year. 
Only I shall remember one passage more, rather of 
mirth then of waight. One y® day called Chrismas- 
day> y'' (tov^ caled them out to worke, (as was used,) 
but y® most of this new-company excused them selves 

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and said it wente against their consciences to work on 
y* day. So y* Gov' tould them that if they made it 
mater of conscience, he woald spare them till they 
were better informed. So he led-away y* rest and 
left them; but when they came home at noone from 
their worke, he found them in y^ streete at play, 
openly; some pitching y® barr, & some at stoole-ball, 
and shuch like sports. So he went to them, and tooke 
away their implements, and tould them that was against 
his conscience, that they should play & others worke. 
If they made y^ keeping of it mater of devotion, let 
them kepe their houses, but ther should be no game- 
ing or revelling in y* streets. Since which time noth- 
ing hath been atempted that way, at least openly. 

Anno 1622. 
At y* spring of y* year they had apointed y* Massa- 
chusets to come againe and trade with them, and be- 
gane now to prepare for that vioag about y® later end 
of March. But upon some rumors heard, Hobamak, 
their Indean, tould them upon some jealocies he had, 
he feared they were joyned w^ jr* Narighansets and 
might betray them if they were not carefull. He inti- 
mated also some jealocie of Squanto, by what he gath- 
ered from some private whisperings betweene him and 
other Indeans. But [71] they resolved to proseede, 
and sentie out their shalop with 10. of their cheefe 
men aboute y° begining of Aprill, and both Squanto 

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136 HisTOBT OF [book n. 

& Hobamake with them, in regarde of y^ jelocie be- 
tweene them. But they had not bene gone longe, bat 
an Indean belonging to Squantos family came runing 
in seeming great fear, and tould them that many 
of y® Narihgansets, with Corbytant, and he thought 
also Massasoyte, were coming against them; and he 
gott away to tell them, not without danger. And 
being examined by y« Gov', he made as if they were 
at hand, and would still be looking back, as if they 
were at his heels. At which the Gov** caused them 
to take armes & stand on their garde, and suppos- 
ing y* boat to be still within hearing (by reason it 
was calme) caused a warning peece or 2. to be shote 
of, the which y^^ heard and came in. But no Indeans 
apeared; watch was kepte all night, but nothing was 
scene. Hobamak was confidente for Massasoyt, and 
thought all was false; yet y* Gov"" caused him to send 
his wife privatly, to see what she could observe (pre- 
tening other occasions), but ther was nothing found, 
but all was quiet. After this they proseeded on their 
vioge to y* Massachusets, and had good trade, and 
returned in saftie, blessed be God. 

But by the former passages, and other things of 
like nature, they begane to see y* Squanto sought his 
owne ends, and plaid his owne game, by putting y* 
Indeans in fear, and drawing gifts from them to en- 
rich him selfe; making them beleeve he could stur up 
warr against whom he would, & make peece for whom 

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he woald. Yea, he made them l>eleeye the}'^ kept j* 
plagae buried Id y^ ground, and could send it amongs 
whom they would, which did much terrifie the Indeans, 
and made them depend more on him, and seeke more 
to him then to Massasoyte, which proucured him envie, 
and had like to have cost him his life. For after y* 
discovery of his practises, Massasoyt sought it both pri- 
vatly and openly; which caused him to stick close to 
y® English, & never durst goe from them till he dyed. 
They also made good use of y* emulation y* grue be- 
tweene Hobamack and him, which made them cary more 
squarely. And y* Gov' seemed to countenance y* one, 
and y* Captaine y* other, by which they had better 
rotelligence, and made them both more diligente. 

[72] Now in a maner their provissions were wholy 
spent, and they looked hard for supply, but none came. 
But about y* later end of May^ they spied a boat at 
sea, which at first they thought had beene some French- 
man; but it proved a shalop which came from a ship 
which IVr. Weston & an other had set out a fishing, 
at a place called Damarins-cove, 40. leagues to y* 
eastward of them, wher were y' year many more 
ships come a fishing. This boat brought 7. passengers 
and some letters, but no vitails, nor any hope of any. 
Some part of which I shall set downe. 

M'. Carver, in my last leters by y* Fortune, in whom M'. 
Cushman wente, and who I hope is with you, for we daly 

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138 HISTOBY OF [book H. 

expecte y* shipe back againe. She departed hence, y* begiD- 
ing of July, with 35. persons, though not over well provided 
with necesaries, by reason of y* parsemonie of y* adventurers.* 
I have solisited them to send you a supply of men and provis- 
sions before shee come. They all answer they will doe gi*eat 
maters, when they hear good. news. Nothing before; so faith- 
full, constant, & carefull of your good, are your olde & honest 
freinds, that if they hear not from you, they are like to send 
you no supplie, &c. I am now to relate y* occasion of send- 
ing this shipy hoping if you give credite to my words, you will 
have a more favourable opinion of it, then some hear, wherof 
Pickering is one, who taxed me to mind my owne ends, which 
is in part tnie, &c. JbT*. Beachamp and my selfe bought this 
lute ship, and have set her out, partly, if it may be, to uphold f 
y* plantation, as well to doe others good as our selves; and 
partly to gett up what we are formerly out; though we are 
otherwise censured, &c. This is y® occasion we have sent this 
ship and these passengers, on our owne accounte; whom we 
desire you will f rendly entertaine & supply with shuch neces- 
aries as you cane spare, and they wante, <&c. And among 
other things we pray you lend or sell them some seed corne, 
and if you have y* salt remaining of y* last year, that y" will 
let them have it for their presente use, and we will either pay 
you for it, or give you more when we have set our salt-pan to 
worke, which we desire may be set up in one of y* litle ilands 
in your bay, &c. And because we intende, if God plase, [73] 
(and y* generallitie doe it not,) to send within a month anotJier 
shipe^ who, having discharged her passengers, shal goe to Vir- 
ginia , &c. And it may be we shall send a smdU ship to abide 
with you on y* coast, which I conceive may be a great help to 
y* plantation. To y* end our desire may be effected, which, I 

„«!*« — .:ii 1 

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jou. that they may lose no time, bat may presently goe in hand 
to fell trees & cleave them, to y* end lading may be ready and 
oar ship stay not. 

Some of y* adventurers have sent yon hearwith all some 
directions for your furtherance in y* comone bussines, who 
are like those S^ James speaks of, y* bid their brother eat, 
and warme him, but give him nothing ; so they bid you make 
salt, and uphold y* plantation, but send you no means wher- 
withall to doe it, Ac. By y* next we purpose to send more 
people on our otvne accounte^ and to take apatente; that if your 
peopl should be as unhumane as some of y" adventurers, not 
to admite us to dwell with them, which were extreme barba- 
risme, and which will never enter into my head to thinke you 
have any shuch Pickerings amongst you. Yet to satisfie our 
passengers I must of force doe it ; and for some other reasons 
not necessary to be writen, &c. I find y* generall so backward, 
and your freinds at Leyden so could, that I fear you must stand 
on your leggs, and trust (as they say) to Grod and your selves. 


your loving freind, 

Jan : 12. 1621. Tho : Weston. 

Sundry other things I pass over, being tedious & 

All this was but could comfort to fill their hungrie 
bellies, and a slender performance of his former late 
promiss; and as litle did it either fill or warme them, 
as those y* Apostle James spake of, by him before 
mentioned. And well might it make them remember 
what y« psalmist saith, Psa. 118. 8. It is better to trust 

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140 HISTORY OF [book II. 

marchants) nor m y* sone of man^ for (her is no hdp 
in them. v. 5. Blesed is he that hath y* God of 
Jacob for his help^ whose hope is in y* Lord his (jhd. 
And as they were now fayled of saply by him and 
others in this their greatest neede and wants, which 
was caused by him and y® rest, who put so great a 
company of men upon them, as y* former company 
were, without any food, and came at shuch a time as 
they must live almost a whole year before any could 
[74] be raised, excepte they had sente some ; so, upon 
y* pointe they never had any supply of yitales more 
afterwards (but what the Lord gave them otherwise) ; 
for all y^ company sent at any time was allways too 
short for those people y^ came with it. 

Ther came allso 6y y* same ship other leters, but of 
later date, one from M''. Weston, an other from a parte 
of y* adventurers, as foloweth. 

M'. Carver, since my last, to y* end we might y* more readily 
proceed to help y* generall, at a meeting of some of y* prin- 
cipall adventorere, a proposition was put foi*th, & alowed by 
all presente (save Pickering), to adventure each man y* third 
parte of what be formerly had done. And ther are some other 
y^ folow his example, and will adventure no furder. In regard 
wherof y* greater part of y* adventurers being willing to uphold 

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agree mente, {that it may be lawfaU by a generaU consent e oj 

y* adventurers & planterSy upon Jutt occasion^ to breaJee of their 

joynte stock,) to breake it of ; and doe pray you to ratifie, and 

eoDfirine y* same on your parts. Which being done, we shall 

y* more willingly goe forward for y* upholding of you with 

all things necesarie. But in any ease you must agree to y* 

artickls, and send it by y* first under your hands & seals. So 

1 end 

Your loving freind, 

Tho : Wbstom. 
Jan: 17. 1621. 

Another leter was write from part of y* company 
of y* adventurers to the same purpose, and subscribed 
with 9. of their names, wherof M'. Westons & M'. 
Beachamphs were tow. Thes things seemed Strang unto 
them, seeing this unconstaDcie & shufling; it made 
them to thinke ther was some misterie in y® matter. 
And therfore y* Gov'' concealed these letters from y« 
publick, only imparted them to some trustie freinds 
for advice, who concluded with him, that this tended 
to disband & scater them (in regard of their straits) ; 
and if M'. Weston & others, who seemed to rune in 
a perticuler way, should come over with shiping so 
provided as his letters did intimate, they most would 
fall to him, to y* prejudice of them selves & y® rest 
of the adventurers,* tbeir freinds, from whom as yet 
they heard nothing. And it was doubted whether he 
had not sente [75] over shuch a company in y* former 

* Adv€tUttre» in the manuscript. 

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142 HISTORY OP [book n. 

ship, for shuch an end. Yet they tooke compassion 
of those 7. men which this ship^ which fished to y* 
eastward^ had' kept till planting time was over^ and so 
could set no corne; and allso wanting yitals, (for y*^ 
turned them off w^'out any, and indeed wanted for 
them selves,) neither was their salt-pan come, so as 
y*^ could not performe any of those things which M', 
Weston had apointed, and might have starved if y* 
plantation had not succoured them; who, in their 
wants, gave them as good as any of their owne. 
The ship wente to Virginia^ wher they sould both 
ship & fish, of which (it was conceived) M*". Weston 
had a very slender accounte. 

After this came another of his ships^ and brought 
letters dated y® 10. of Aprill, from M'. Weston, as 

M'. Bradford, these, &c. The Fortune is arlved, of whose 
good news touching your estate & proceeings, I am very glad 
to hear. And how soever he was robed on y* way by y* French- 
men, yet I hope your loss will not be great, for y* conceite of 
so great a returne doth much animate y* adventurers, so y* I 
hope some matter of importance will be done by them, &c. As 
for my selfe, I have sould my adventure & debts unto them, 
so as I am quit * of you, & you of me, for that matter, &c. 
Now though I have uothing to pretend as an adventurer 

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drawne on to this they have done ; and yet I fear y* hope will 
not draw them much farder. Besids, most of them are against 
tf sending of them of Leyden^ for whose cause this bussines was 
first beguney and some of y* most religious (as M'. Greene by 
name) excepts against them. So y^ my advice is (yoa may 
follow it if yon please) that you forthwith break of your 
joynte stock, which you have warente to doe, both in law & 
conscience, for y* most parte of y* adventurers have given 
way unto it by a former letter. And y* means you have 
ther, which I hope will be to some purpose by y* trade of this 
spring, may, with y" help of some freinds hear, bear y* charge 
of trasporting those of Leyden ; and when they are with you 
1 make no question but by Gods help yon will be able to sub- 
sist of your selves. But I shall leave you to your discretion. 

I desired diverce of y* adventurers, as M'. Peirce, M'. Greene, 
& others, if they had any thing to seud you, either vitails or 
leters, to send them by these shii^s; and mar\'^elling they sent 
not so much as a letter, I asked our passengers what leters 
they had, and with some dificultie one of them tould me he 
had one, which was delivered him with [76] great charge of 
secrecie ; and for more securitie, to buy a paire of new-shoes, 
& sow it betweene y* soles for fear of intercepting. I, taking 
y* leter, wondering^what mistrie might be in it, broke it open, 
and found this treacherous letter subscribed by y* hands of M'. 
Pickering <& M'. Greene. Wich leter had it come to you' hands 
without answer, might have caused y' hurt, if not y* mine, of 
us all. For assuredly if you had followed their instructions, 
and shewed us that unkindness which they advise you unto, to 
hold us in distruste as enimise, &c., it might have been an occa- 
sion to have set us togeather by y* eares, to y* distruction of 
us ail. For I doe beleeve that in shuch a case, they knowing 
what bussines hath been betweene us, not only my brother, but 

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with or Dear yoa, as well for their as your more secoritie and 
-defence, as help on all occasions. But I find y* adventurers 
so jealous & suspitious, that I have altered my resolution, & 
given order to my brother & those with him, to doe as they 
and him selfe shall find fitte. Thus, <Sbc. 

Your loving freind, 
Aprill 10. 1621. Tho: Westom. 

Some part of Ht Pickerings letter before mentioned. 

To M'. Bradford & M'. Brewster, Ac. 

My dear love remembred unto you all, &c. The company 
hath bought out M^ Weston, and are very glad they are freed 
of him, he being judged a man y^ thought him selfe above y* 
generall, and Aot expresing so much y* fear of God as was 
meete in a man to whom shuch trust should have been reposed 
in a matter of so great importance. I am sparing to be so 
plaine as indeed is clear against him ; but a few words to y* 

M' Weston will not permitte leters to be sent in his ships^ 
nor any thing for your good or ours, of which ther is some 
reason in respecte of him selfe, &c. His brother Andrew, 
whom he doth send as principall in one of these ships, is a 
heady yong man, & violente, and set against you ther, & y* 
company hear ; ploting with IVP. Weston their owne ends, which 
tend to your & our undooing in respecte of our estates ther, 
and prevention of our good ends. For by credible testimoney 
we are informed his purpose is to come to your colonic, pre- 
tending he comes for and from y* adventurers, and will seeke 
to gett what you have in ready nes [77] into hf's ships j as if 
they came from y* company, & possessing all, will be so much 
profite to him selfe. And further to informe them selves what 
spetiall places or things you have discovered, to y* end that 
they may supres & deprive you, &c. 

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The Lord, who is y* watchman of Israll & slepeth not, pre- 
serve you & deliver you from unreasonable men. I am sorie 
that ther is cause to admonish you of these things concerning 
this man ; so I leave you to God, who bless and multiply you 
into thousands, to the advancemente of y* glorious gospell of 
our Lord Jesus. Amen. Fare well. 

Your loving freinds, 

Edwabd Pickering. 
William Greene. 

I pray conceale both y^ writing & deliverie of this leter, but 
make the best use of it. We hope to sete forth a ship our selves 
with in this month. 

The heads of his answer. 

M^ Bradford, this is y* leter y* I wrote unto you of, which 
to answer in every perticuler is needles & tedious. My owne 
conscience & all our people can and I thinke will testifie, y* 
my end in sending tf ship Sparrow was your good, Ac. Nqw 
I will not deney but ther are many of our people rude fellows, 
as these men terme them ; yet I presume they will be governed 
by such as I set over them. And I hope not only to be able 
to reclaims them from y* profanenes that may scandalise y* 
vioage, but by degrees to draw them to God, <&c. I am 
so farr from sending rude fellows to deprive you either by 
fraude or violence of what is yours, as I have charged y* 
m'. of y* ship Sparrow, not only to leave with you 2000. of 
bread, but also a good quantitie of fish,* &c. But I will 
leave it to you to consider what evill this leter would or 
might have done, had it come to your hands & taken y" 
effecte y* other desired. 

Now if you be of y* mind y* these men are, deale plainly 
with us, & we will seeke our residence els-wher. If you 

* But y [he] left not hi$ own men a hiU of bread. 

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146 HISTORY or [book n. 

are as freindly as we have thought you to be, give us y* 
entertainment of freinds, and we will take nothing from you, 
neither meat, drinke, nor lodging, but what we will, in one 
kind or other, pay you for, &c. I shall leave in y* coun- 
tfie a lide ship (if Grod send her safe thither) with mariners 
& fisher-men to stay ther, who shall coast, & trad with y* 
savages. & y* old plantation. It may be we shall be as 
helpful! to you, as you will be to us. I thinke I shall see 
you y* next spring; and so I comend you to y* protection 
of God, who ever keep you. 

Tour loving freiud, 

Tho: Weston. 

[78] Thus all ther hops in regard of M'. Weston 
were layed in y* dust, and all his promised helpe 
turned into an empttie advice, which they apprehended 
was nether lawful! nor profitable for them to follow. 
And they were not only thus left destitute of help in 
their extreme wants, haveing neither vitails, nor any 
thing to trade with, but others prepared & ready to 
glean up what y* cuntrie might have afforded for their 
releefe. As for those Iiarsh censures & susspitions in- 
timated in y* former and following leters, they desired 
to judg as charitably and wisly of them as they could, 
waighing them in y^ ballance of love and reason ; and 
though they (in parte) came from godly & loveing 
freinds, yet they conceived many things might arise 
from over deepe jealocie and fear, togeather with un- 

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For after the receit of y* former leters, the Gov' re- 
ceived one from M^ Coshman, who went home in y* 
ship, and was allway intimate with M'. Weston, (as 
former passages declare), and it was much marveled 
that nothing was heard from him, all this while. But 
it should seeme it was y® difficulty of sending, for 
this leter was directed as y* leter of a wife to her 
husband, who was here, and brought by him to y* 
Gov'. It was as foUoweth. 

Beloved S': I hartily salute you, with trust of your health, 
and many thanks for your love. By Gods providence we 
got well home y* 17. of Fed. Being robbed by y* French- 
men by y* way, and carried by them into France, and were 
kepte ther 15. days, and lost all y* we had that was worth 
taking; but thanks be to God, we escaped with our lives 
& ship. I see not y^ it worketh any discouragment hear. 
I purpose by Gods grace to see you shortly, / hope in June 
nexte, or before. In y*' mean space know these things, and 
I pray you be advertised a litle. M'. Weston hath quite 
broken of from our company, thi*ough some discontents y* 
arose betwext him and some of our adventurers, & hath 
sould all his adventura, & hath now sent 3. smcUe ships for his 
perticvier plantation. The greatest wherof, being 100. tune^ 
M'. Reynolds goeth m'. and he with y* rest purposeth to 
come him selfe ; for what end I know not. 

The people which they cary are no men for us, wherfore 
I pray you entertaine them not, neither exchainge man for 
man with them, excepte it be some of your worst. He hath 
taken a patente for him selfe. If they off err to buy any 
thing of you, let it be shuch as you can spare, and let 
them give y* woith of it. If they borrow any thing of you, 

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148 HISTORY OF [book H. 

let them leave a good pawne, &c. It is like he [78* J will 
plant to y* Bouthward of y* Cape, for William Trevore hath 
lavishly tould bat what he knew or imagined of Capewack, 
Mohiggen, & y* Narigansets. I fear these people will hardly 
deale so well with y* savages as they should. I pray you 
therfore signifie to Squanto, that they are a distincte body 
from us, and we have nothing to doe with them, neither 
must be blamed for their falts, much less can warrente their 
fidelitie. We are aboute to recover our losses in France. 
Our freinds at Leyden are well, and will come to you as 
many as can this time, I hope all will tume to y* best, 
wherfore I pray you be not discouraged, but gather up your 
selfe to goe thorow these dificulties cherf uUy & with courage 
in y' place wherin God hath sett you, untill y* day of re- 
freshing come. And y* Lord God of sea & land bring us 
comfortably togeather againe, if it may stand with his glorie. 


On y* other aid of y* leafe, in y* same leter, came 
these few lines from M'. John Peirce, in whose name 
the patente was taken, and of whom more will follow, 
to be spoken in its place. 

Worthy S': I desire you to take into consideration that 
which is writen on y* other side, and not any way to 
damnific your owne collony, whos strength is but weaknes, 
and may therby be more infeebled. And for y* leters of 
association, by y* next ship we send, I hope you shall re- 
ceive satisfaction; in y* mean time whom you admite I will 
approve. But as for M'. Weston's company, I thinke them 

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not fitt for an honest mans company. I wish they prove 
other wise. My purpose is not to enlarge my selfe, but 
cease in these few lins, and so rest 

Your loving freind, 

John Psibob. 

All these things they pondred and well considered, 
yet concluded to give his men frendly entertainmente ; 
partly in regard of M^ Weston him selfe, considering 
what he had been unto them, & done for them, & to 
some, more espetially; and pailly in compassion to y^ 
people, who were now come into a willdemes, (as 
them selves were,) and were by y* ship to be pres- 
ently put a shore, (for she was to cary other passenn 
gers to Virginia^ who lay at great charge,) and they 
were alltogeather unacquainted & knew not what to 
doe. So as they had received his former company of 
7. men, and vitailed them as their owne hitherto, so 
they also received these (being aboute 60. lusty men), 
and gave [79] housing for them selves and their 
goods ; and many being sicke, they had y® best means 
y* place could aford them. They stayed hear y* most 
parte of y* somer till y* ship came back againe from 
Virginia. Then, by his direction, or those whom he 
set over them, they removed into y® Massachusset 
Bay, he having got a patente for some part ther, (by 

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150 HISTORY OP [book H. 

any, though they were in great wante, nor any thing 
els in recompence of any courtecie done them ; neither 
did they desire it, for they saw they were an unruly 
company, and had no good govermente over them, and 
by disorder would soone fall into wants if M^ Wes- 
ton came not y^ sooner amongst them; and therfore, 
to prevente all after occasion, would have nothing of 

Amids these streigths, and y^ desertion of those 
from whom they had hoped for supply, and when 
famine begane now to pinch them sore, they not know- 
ing what to doe, the Lord, (who never fails his,) pre- 
sents them with an occasion, beyond all expectation. 
This boat which came from y^ eastward brought them 
a letter from a stranger, of whose name they had 
never heard before, being a captaine of a ship come 
ther a fishing. This leter was as followeth. Being 
thus inscribed. 

To all his good freinds at Plimoth, these, Ac. 

Freinds, cuntrimen, & neighbours : I salate you, and wish 
you all health and hapines in y* Lord. I make bould with 
these few lines to trouble you, because unless I were un- 
bumane, I can doe no less. Bad news doth spread it selfe 
too farr; yet I will so farr informe you that my selfe, with 
many good freinds in y* south-collonie of Virginia, have re- 
ceived shuch a blow, that 400. persons large will not make 

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other mens harmes doth make to beware. And now againe 
and againe, wishing all those y* willingly would serve y* 
Lord, all health and happines in this world, and everlasting 
peace in y* world to come. And so I rest, 


John Huplstok. 

By this boat y^ Gk>T' returned a thankfull answer, 
as was meete, and sent a boate of their owne with 
them, which was piloted by them, in which M'. Wins- 
low was sente to procure what provissions he could 
of y* ships, who was kindly received by y* foresaid 
gentill-man, who not only spared what he [90 *] could, 
but writ to others to doe y* like. By which means 
he gott some good quantitie and returned in saftie, by 
which y* plantation had a duble benefite, first, a pres- 
ent refreshing by y* food brought, and secondly, they 
knew y* way to those parts for their benifite hear- 
after. But what was gott, & this small boat brought, 
being devided among so many, came but to a litle, 
yet by Gods blesing it upheld them till harvest. It 
arose but to a quarter of a pound of bread a day to 
each person ; and y* Gov"" caused it to be dayly given 
them, otherwise, had it been in their owne custody, 
they would have eate it up & then starved. But thus, 
with what els they could get, they made pretie shift 
till corne was ripe. 

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152 HISTORY OP [book U. 

This soSer they builte a fort with good timber, 
both strong & comly, which was of good defence, made 
with a flate rofe & batlhnents, on which their ordnance 
were mounted, and wher they kepte constante watch, 
espetially in time of danger. It served them allso for 
a meeting bouse, and was fitted accordingly for that 
use. It was a great worke for them in this weaknes 
and time of wants ; but y* deanger of y* time required 
it, and both y* continuall rumors of y* fears from y* 
Indeans hear, espetially y* Narigansets, and also y* 
hearing of that great massacre in Virginia, made all 
hands willing to despatch y® same. 

Now y* Wellcome time of harvest aproached, in 
which all had their hungrie bellies filled. But it arose 
but to a litle, in comparison of a fall years suppUe; 
partly by reason they were not yet well aquainted 
with y* maner of Indean come, (and they had no 
other,) allso their many other imployments, but cheefly 
their weaknes for wante of food, to tend it as they 
should have done. Also much was stolne both by 
night & day, before it became scarce eatable, & much 
more afterward. And though many were well whipt 
(when they were taken; for a few ears of come, yet 
hunger made others (whom conscience did not re- 
straine) to venture. So as it well appeared y^ famine 
must still insue y^ next year allso, if not some way 

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only y^ Indeans, and they had no trading comodities. 
Behold now another providence of God ; a ship comes 
into y* [91] harbor, one Captain Jons being cheefe 
therin. They were set out by some marchants to dis- 
covere all y* harbors betweene this & Virginia, and y* 
shoulds of Cap-Cod, and to trade along y* coast wher 
they could. This ship had store of English-beads 
(which were then good trade) and some knives, but 
would sell none but at dear rates, and also a good 
quantie togeather. Yet they weere glad of y* occa- 
sion, and faine to buy at any rate; they were faine 
to give after y^ rate of cento per cento, if not more, 
and yet pay away coat-beaver at 3'. per"-, which in a 
few years after yeelded 20*. By this means they were 
fitted againe to trade for beaver & other things, and 
intended to buy what come they could. 

But I will hear take liberty to make a litle digres- 
sion. Ther was in this ship a gentle-man by name 
M^ John Poory; he had been secretarie in Virginia, 
and was now going home passenger in (his ship. 
After his departure he write a leter to y* Gov' in y* 
postscrite wherof he hath these lines. 

To your selfe and M'. Brewster, I must acknowledg my 
selfe many ways indebted, whose books I would have you 
thinke very well bestowed on him, who esteemeth them shuch 
juells. My hast would not sufifer me to remember (much 
less to begg) M'. Ainsworths elaborate worke upon y* 5. 
books of Moyses. Both his & M'. Robinsons doe highly 

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154 HISTORY OP [book H. 

comend the authors, as being most conversante in y* scrip- 
tors of all others. And what good (who knows) it may 
please Grod to worke by them, through my hands, (though 
most unworthy,) who finds shuch high contente in them. 
Grod have you all in his keeping. 

Your unfained and firme freind, 
Aug. 28. 1622. John Port. 

These things I hear inserte for honour sake of y* 
authors memorie, which this gentle-man doth thus in* 
geniusly acknowledg; and him selfe after his retume 
did this poore-plantation much credite amongst those 
of no mean ranok. But to retume. 

[92] Shortly after harvest M'. Westons people who 
were now seated at y^ Massachusets, and by disorder 
(as it seems) had made havock of their proyissions, 
begane now to perceive that want would come upon 
them. And hearing that they hear had bought trading 
comodities & intended to trade for come, they write 
to y** Gov"^ and desired they might joyne with them, 
and they would imploy their small ship in y* servise; 
and furder requested either to lend or sell them so 
much of their trading comodities as their part might 
come to, and they would undertake to make paymente 
when M'. Weston, or their supply, should come. The 

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apointed to goe with them, and Squanto for a guid & 
interpreter, about y* latter end of September; but y* 
winds put them in againe, & putting out y^ 2. time, 
he fell sick of a feavor, so y* Gov' wente him selfe. 
But they could not get aboute y* should of Cap-Cod, 
for flats & breakers, neither could Squanto directe 
them better, nor y^ m'. durst venture any further, so 
they put into Manamoyack Bay and got w** they 
could ther. In this place Squanto fell sick of an 
Indean feavor, bleeding much at y* nose (which y* 
Indeans take for a simptome of death), and within a 
few days dyed ther ; desiring y* Gov' to pray for him, 
that he might goe to y® Englishmens God in heaven, 
and bequeathed sundrie of his things to sundry of his 
English freinds, as remembrances of his love ; of whom 
they had a great loss. They got in this vioage, in one 
place & other, about 26. or 28. hogsheads of come & 
beans, which was more then y* Indeans could well 
spare in these parts, for y® set but a litle till they got 
English hows. And so were faine to retume, being sory 
they could not gett about the Cap, to have been better 
laden. After ward y* Gov' tooke a few men & wente 
to y® inland places, to get what he could, and to fetch 
it home at y* spring, which did help them something, 
[93] After these things, in Feb: a messenger came 
from John Sanders, who was left cheefe over M'. Wes- 

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156 HISTORY OP [book U. 

letter shewing the great wants they were falen into j 
and he would have borrowed a tifi of come of y* In- 
deans, but they would lend him none. He desired 
advice whether he might not take it from them by 
force to succore his men till he came from jr* east- 
ward, whither he was going. The Gk)v' & rest de- 
swaded him by all means from it, for it might so 
exasperate the Indeans as might endanger their saftie, 
and all of us might smart for it; for they had already 
heard how they had so wronged y^ Indeans by steal- 
ing their come, &c. as they were much incensed 
against them. Yea, so base were some of their own 
company, as they wente & tould y* Indeans y* their 
Gov' was purposed to come and take their come by 
force. The which with other things made them enter 
into a conspiracie against y* English, of which more 
in y* nexte. Hear with I end this year. 

Anno Dom: 1623. 
It may be thought Strang that these people should 
fall to these extremities in so short a time, being left 
competently provided when y® ship left them, and had 
an addition by that moyetie of com that was got by 
trade, besids much they gott of y* Indans wher they 
lived, by one means & other. It must needs be their 
great disorder, for they spent excesseivly whilst they 

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was taxed by somo amongst them for keeping Indean 
women, how truly I know not). And after they 
begane to come into wants, many soold away their 
cloathes and bed coverings; others (so base were they) 
became servants to y^ Indeans, and would cutt them 
woode & fetch them water, for a cap full of come; 
others fell to plaine stealing, both night & day, from 
y'' Indeans, of which they greevosly complained. In 
y^ end, they came to that misery, that some starved 
& dyed with could & hunger. One in geathering 
shell-fish was so weake as he stuck fast in y^ mudd, 
and was found dead in y^ place. At last most of them 
left their dwellings & scatered up & downe in y* [94] 
woods, & by y* water sids, wher they could find 
ground nuts & clames, hear 6. and ther ten. By 
which their cariages they became contemned & scorned 
of y* Indeans, and they begane greatly to insulte over 
them in a most insolente maner ; insomuch, many times 
as they lay thus scatered abrod, and had set on a pot 
with ground nuts or shell-fish, when it was ready the 
Indeans would come and eate it up; and when night 
came, wheras some of them had a sorie blanket, or 
such like, to lappe them selves in, the Indeans would 
take it and let y* other lye all nighte in the could; 
so as their condition was very lamentable. Yea, in 
y^ end they were faine to hange one of their men, 
whom they could not reclaime from stealing, to give 
y^ Indeans contente. 

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158 HISTORY OF [book U. 

Whilst things wente in this maner with them, y* 
OrOY^ & people hear had notice y* Massasoyte ther 
freind was sick & near unto death. They sent to 
yissete him, and withall sente him such comfortable 
things as gave him great contente, and was a means 
of his recovery; upon which occasion he discovers y* 
conspiracie of these Indeans, how they were resolved 
to cutt of M^ Westons people, for the continuall in- 
juries they did them, & would now take opportunitie 
of their weaknes to doe it ; and for that end had con- 
spired with other Indeans their neighbours their aboute. 
And thinking the people hear would revenge their 
death, they therfore thought to doe y* like by them, 
& had solisited him to joyne with them. He advised 
them therfore to prevent it, and that speedly by tak- 
ing of some of y^ cheefe of them, before it was to 
late, for he asured them of y° truth hereof. 

This did much trouble them, and they tooke it into 
serious delibration, and found upon examenation other 
evidence to give light hear unto, to longe hear to 
relate. In y^ mean time, came one of them from 
y^ Massachucts, with a small pack at his back; and 
though he knew not a foote of y® way, yet he got 
safe hither, but lost his way, which was well for him, 
for he was pursued, and so was mist. He tould them 

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This made them make y^ more hast, & dispatched a 
boate away w^ Capten Standish & some men, who 
found them in a miserable condition, out of which he 
rescued them, and helped them to some releef, cut of 
some few of y* cheefe conspirators, and, according to 
his order, offered to bring them all hither if they 
thought good ; . and they should fare no worse then 
them selves, till M^ Weston or some supplie came to 
them. Or, if any other course liked them better, 
he was to doe them any helpfullnes he could. They 
thanked him & y^ rest. But most of them desired he 
would help them with some come, and they would 
goe with their smale ship to y* eastward, wher hapily 
they might here of M'. Weston, or some supply from 
him, seing y* time of y* year was for fishing ships 
to [95] be in y* land. If not, they would worke 
among y^ fishermen for their liveing, and get ther pas* 
sage into England, if they heard nothing from M'. 
Weston in time. So they shipped what they had of 
any worth, and he got them all y^ come he could 
(scarce leaving to bring him home), and saw them 
well out of y® bay, under saile at sea, and so came 
home, not takeing y* worth of a peny of any thing 
that was theirs. I have but touched these things 
breefly, because they have allready been published in 
printe more at large. 

This was y* end of these that some time hosted of 
their strength, (being all able lustie men,) and what 

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160 HISTORY OF [book H. 

they would doe & bring to pass, in comparison of y* 
people hear, who had many women & children and 
weak ons amongst them ; and said at their first arivall, 
when they saw the wants hear, that they would take 
an other course, and not to fall into shuch a condition, 
as this simple people were come too. But a mans 
way is not in his owne power; God can make y« 
weake to stand; let him also that standeth take heed 
least he fall. 

Shortly after, M'. Weston came over with some of 
y^ fishermen, under another name, and y^ disguise of a 
blacke-smith, were he heard of y* mine and disolution 
of his colony. He got a boat and with a man or 
2. came to see how things were. But by y* way, for 
wante of skill, in a storme, he cast away his shalop in 
y* botome of y* bay between Meremek river & Pas- 
cataquack, & hardly escaped with life, and afterwards 
fell into the hands of y* Indeans, who pillaged him 
of all he saved from the sea, & striped him out of 
all his cloaths to his shirte. At last he got to Pas- 
cataquack, & borrowed a suite of cloaths, and got 
means to come to Plimoth. A Strang alteration ther 
was in him to such as had seen & known him in his 
former florishing condition ; so uncertaine are y^ muta- 
ble things of this unstable world. And yet men set 

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things boyling in his mind, but bit in as was dis- 
cemd,) he desired to borrow some beaver of them; 
and tould them he had hope of a ship & good supply 
to come to him, and then they should have any thing 
for it they stood in neede of. They gave litle credite 
to his supplie, but pitied his case, and remembered 
former curtesies. They tould him he saw their wants, 
and they knew not when they should have any supply ; 
also how y^ case stood betweene them & their ad- 
venturers, he well knew; they had not much bever, 
& if they should let him have it, it were enoughe to 
make a mutinie among y^ people, seeing ther was no 
other means to procure them foode which they so much 
wanted, & cloaths allso. Yet they tould him they 
would help him, considering his necessitie, but must 
doe it secretly for y* former reasons. So they let 
him have 100. beaver-skins, which waighed 170**. odd 
pounds. Thus they helpt him when all y^ world faild 
him, and with this means he went againe to y® ships, 
and stayed his small ship & some of his men, & 
bought provissions and fited him selfe; and it was y^ 
only foundation [96] of his after course. But he re- 
quited them ill, for he proved after a bitter enimie 
unto them upon all occasions, and never repayed them 
any thing for it, to this day, but reproches and evill 
words. Yea, he divolged it to some that were none 
of their best freinds, whilst he yet had y* beaver in 
his boat; that he could now set them all togeather by 

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162 msTORT or [bookii. 

y^ ears, becaose they had done more then thej could 
answer, in letting him have this beayer, and he did 
not spare to doe what he could. But his malice could 
not prevaile. 

All this whille no supply was heard of, neither knew 
they when they might expecte any. So they begane 
to thinke how they might raise as much come as they 
could, and obtaine a beter crope then they had done, 
that they might not still thus languish in miserie. At 
length, after much debate of things, the Grov' (with 
jr* advise of y' cheefest amongest them) gave way that 
they should set come every man for his owne per- 
t]culer» and in that regard trust to them selves ; in all 
other things to goe on in y^ generall way as before. 
And so assigned to every family a parcell of land, 
according to the proportion of their number for that 
end, only for present use (but made no devission for 
inheritance), and ranged all boys & youth under some 
fiftmilie. This had very good success; for it made all 
hands very industrious, so as much more come was 
planted then other waise would have bene by any 
means y* Gov' or any other could use, and saved him 
a great deall of trouble, and gave farr better contente. 
The women now wente willingly into y® feild, and 
tooke their litle-ons with them to set come, which 
before would aledg weaknes, and inabilitie ; whom to 
have compelled would have bene thought great tiranie 
and oppression. 

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Tbe experience that was bad in this comone coarse 
and condition, tried snndrie years, and that amongst 
godlj and sober men, may well evince the vanitie of 
that conceite of Platos & other ancients, applauded 
by some of later times; — that y* taking away of 
propertie, and bringing in comunitie into a comone 
wealth, would make them happy and florishing; as if 
they were wiser then Grod. For this comunitie (so 
farr as it was) was found to breed much confusion & 
discontent, and retard much implojrmQt that would 
have been to their benefite and comforte. For y* 
yong-men that were most able and fitte for labour & 
service did repine that they should spend their time 
& streingth to worke for other mens wives and chil- 
dren, with out any recompence. The strong, or man 
of parts, had no more in devission of victails & cloaths, 
then he that was weake and not able to doe a quarter 
y' other could; this was thought injuestice. The aged 
and graver men to be ranked and [97] equalised in 
labours, and victails, cloaths, &c., with y* meaner & 
yonger sorte, thought it some indignite & disrespect 
unto them. And for mens wives to be conmianded to 
doe servise for other men, as dresing their meate, wash- 
ing their cloaths, &c., they deemd it a kind of slaverie, 
neither could many husbands well brooke it. Upon y* 
poynte all being to have alike, and all to doe alike. 

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164 HISTORY OF [book H. 

relations that God hath set amongest men, yet it did 
at least much diminish and take of y^ matuall respects 
that should be preserved amongst them. And would 
have bene worse if they had been men of another 
condition. Let none objecte this is men's corruption, 
and nothing to y"^ course it selfe. I answer, seeing all 
men have this corruption in them, God in his wis- 
dome saw another course fiter for them. 

But to retume. After this course setled, and by 
that their core was planted, all ther victails were 
spente, and they were only to rest on Gods provi- 
dence ; at night not many times knowing wher to have 
a bitt of any thing y® next day. And so, as one well 
observed, had need to pray that God would give them 
their dayly brade, above all people in y* world. Yet 
they bore these wants with great patience & allacritie 
of spirite, and that for so long a time as for y® most 
parte of 2. years; which makes me remember what 
Peter Martire writs, (in magnifying y* Spaniards) in 
his 5. Decade, pag. 208. They (saith he) led a mis- 
erable life for 5. days iogeaiher^ with y* parched graine 
of maize only^ and that not to saturitie; and then con- 
cluds, that shuch pains ^ shuch labours^ and shuch hunger ^ 
he thought none living which is not a Spaniard could 
have endured. But alass ! these, when they had maize 
(y' is, Indean come) they thought it as good as a 

4V^Aa4- An/I nron4-A/l n^4- ^n1«r ^^«. K A^^t, 4-^^rvA4-U^«. U.«4. 

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bread nor any kind of come. Indeed, in an other 
place, in his 2. Decade, page 94. he mentions how 
others of them were worse put to it, wher they were 
faine to eate doggs, toads, and dead men, and so 
dyed almost all. From these extremities the * Lord in 
his goodnes kept these his people, and in their great 
wants preserved both their lives and healthes; let his 
name have y* praise. Yet let me hear make use of 
his conclusion, which in some sorte may be applied 
to this people : Thai with their miseries they opened 
a way to these neto^ands; and after these stormeSj with 
what ease other men came to inhabite in them^ in respecte 
of y* calamities these men suffered; so as they seeme to 
goe to a bride feciste wher all things are provided for 

They haveing but one boat left and she not over 
well fitted, they were devided into severall companies, 
6. or 7. to a gangg or company, and so wente out 
with a nett they had bought, to take bass & such like 
fish, by course, every company knowing their tume. 
No sooner was y* boate discharged [98] of what she 
brought, but y** next company tooke her and wente 
out with her. Neither did they returne till they had 
cauight something, though it were 5. or 6. days be- 
fore, for they knew ther was nothing at home, and to 

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If she stayed loDge or got litle, then all went to seek- 
ing of shel-fish, which at low-water they digged out 
of y* sands. And this was their living in y* somer 
time, till God sente y" beter; & in winter they were 
helped with ground-nuts and foule. Also in y* soiner 
they gott now & then a dear; for one or 2. of y* 
fitest was apoynted to range y* woods for y' end, & 
what was gott that way was devided amongst them. 

At length they received some leters from y* ad- 
venturers, too long and tedious hear to record, by 
which they heard of their furder crosses and frustra- 
tions; begining in this maner. 

Loving freinds, as your sorrows & afflictions have bin 
great, so our croses & interceptions in oar proceedings hear, 
have not been small. For after we had with much trouble 
& charge sente y* Parragon away to sea, and thought all y* 
paine past, within 14. days after she came againe hither, 
being dangerously leaked, and brused with tempestious 
stormes, so as shee was faine to be hod into y* docke, and 
an 100**. bestowed upon her. All y* passengers lying upon 
our charg for 6. or 7. weeks, and much discontent and dis- 
temper was occasioned hereby, so as some dangerous evente 
had like to insewed. But we trust all shall be well and 
worke for y* best and your benefite, if yet with patience 
you can waite, and but have strength to hold in life. 
Whilst these things were doing, M'. Westons ship came 
and brought diverce leters from you, &c. It rejoyseth us 

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So fsLTT of this leter. 

This ship was brought by M'. John Peiroe, and set 
out at his owne charge, upon hope of great maters. 
These passengers, & y® goods the company sent in 
her, he tooke in for fraught, for which they agreed 
with him to be delivered hear. This was he in whose 
name their Jlrsi paterUe was taken, by reason of 
aquaintance, and some aliance that some of their 
freinds had with him. But his name was only used in 
trust. But when he saw they were hear hopfully thus 
seated, and by y^ success Grod gave them had obtained 
y® favour of y® Counsell of New-England, he goes and 
sues to them for another patent of much larger extente 
(in their names), which was easily obtained. But he 
mente to keep it to him selfe and alow them what 
he pleased, to hold of him as tenants, and sue to his 
courts as cheefe Lord, as will appear by that which 
follows. But y* Lord marvelously crost him ; for after 
this first retume, and y*" charge above mentioned, 
when shee was againe fitted, he pesters him selfe and 
taks in more passengers, and those not very good to 
help to bear his losses, and sets out y® 2. time. But 
[99] what y* event was will appear from another leter 
from one of y* cheefe of y® company, dated y® 9. of 
Aprill, 1623. writ to y** Gov'' hear, as foUoweth. 

Loving freind, when I write my last leter, I hope to have 
received one from you well-nigh by this time. But when 
I write in Des: I litle thought to have seen M'. John 

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168 HISTORY OP [book H. 

Peirce till he had brought some good tidings from you. But 
it pleased Grod, he brought us y* wofuU tidings of his 
retume when he was half-way over, by extraime tempest, 
werin y*' goodnes & mercie of God appeared in sparing their 
lives, being 109. souls. The loss is so great to M^ Peirce, 
&o,j and y* companie put upon so great charge, as veryly, &c. 

Now with great trouble & loss, we have got M'. John 
Peirce to assigne over y* grand patente to y* companie, 
which he had taken in his owne name, and made quite voyd 
our former grante. I am sorie to writ how many hear thinke 
y^ the hand of God was justly against him, both y^ first 
and 2. time of his returne ; in regard he, whom you and 
we so confidently trusted, but only to use his name for y* 
company, should aspire to be lord over us all, and so make 
you & us tenants at his will and pleasure, our assurance 
or patente being quite voyd & disanuled by his means. I 
desire to judg charitably of him. But his unwillingnes to 
part with his royall Lordship, and y* high-rate he set it at, 
which was 500**. which cost him but 50**., maks many speake 
and judg hardly of him The company are out for goods in 
his ship, with charge aboute y* passengers, 640**., Ac. 

We have agreed with 2. marchants for a ship of 140. 
tunes, caled y* Anne^ which is to be ready y* last of this 
month, to bring 60. passengers & 60. tune of goods, &c. 

This was dated Aprill 9. 1623. 

These were ther owne words and judgmente' of this 
mans dealing & proceedings; for I thought it more 
meete to render them in theirs then my owne words. 
And yet though ther was never got other recompence 
then the resifimation of this Datente. and v^ sharA» Ha 

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1628.] PLYMOUTH PLAin'ATION. 169 

courts in England, and when be was still cast, brought 
it to y^ Parlemente. But he is now dead, and I wiU 
leave him to y* Lord. 

This ship suffered y^ greatest extreemitie at sea at 
her 2. retume, that one shall lightly hear of, to be 
saved ; as I have been informed by M'. William Peirce 
who was then m'. of her, and many others that were 
passengers in her. It was aboute y* midle of Feb: 
The storme was for y^ most parte of 14. days, but 
for 2. or 3. days & nights togeather in most violent 
extremitie. After they had cut downe their mast, y* 
storme beat of their round house and all their uper 
works ; 3. men had worke enough at y^ helme, and he 
that cund y* ship before y* sea, was faine [100] to be 
bound fast for washing away; the seas did so over- 
rake them, as many times those upon y^ decke knew 
not whether they were within bord or withoute; and 
once she was so foundered in y* sea as they all 
thought she would never rise againe. But yet y* 
Lord preserved them, and brought them at last safe 
to Poria-mouthy to y* wonder of all men y* saw in 
what a case she was in, and heard what they had 

About y* later end of June came in a ship, with 
Captaine Francis West, who had a comission to be 
admirall of New-England, to restraine interlopers, and 
shuch fishing ships as came to fish & trade without 
a licence from y* Counsell of New-England, for which 

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170 HISTORY OP [book H. 

they should pay a round sume of money. But he 
could doe no good of them, for they were to stronge 
for him 9 and he found y® fisher men to be stubeme 
fellows. And their owners, upon complainte made to 
y* Parlemente, procured an order y* fishing should be 
free. He tould y^ Gov' they spooke with a ship at 
sea, and were abord her, y' was coming for this plan- 
tation, in which were sundrie passengers, and they, 
marvelled she was not arrived, fearing some miscariage ; 
for they lost her in a storme that fell shortly after 
they had been abord. Which relation filled them full 
of fear, yet mixed with hope. The m'. of this ship 
had some 2. tEh of pease to sell, but seeing their 
wants, held them at 9^. sterling a hoggshead, & under 
8". he would not take, and yet would have beaver at 
an under rate. But they tould him they had lived 
so long with out, and would doe still, rather then 
give so unreasonably. So they went from hence to 

* I may not here omite how, notwithstand all their great palnes & indns- 
trle, and y great hops of a large cropp, the Lord seemed to blast, & take 
away the same, and to threaten further & more sore famine onto them, by 
a great droaght which continued from y« 3. weeke in May, till about y* 
midle of July, without any raine, and with great heat (for y« most parte), 
insomuch as y« come begane to wither away, though it was set with fishe, 
the moysture wherof helped it much. Yet at length it begane to languish 
sore, and some of y« drier grounds were partched like withered hay, part 
wherof was never recovered. Upon which they sett a parte a solemne day 

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About 14. days after came in this ship, caled y^ 
Anne^ wherof M'. William Peirce was m^> and aboute 
a weeke or 10. days afl;er came in y^ pinass which in 
fonle weather they lout at sea, a fine new yessell of 
about 44. tune, which y* company had builte to stay 
in the cuntrie. They brought about 60. persons for 
y^ general!, some of them being very useftill persons, 
and became good members to y^ body, and some were 
y* wives and children of shuch as were hear allready. 
And some were so bad, as they were faine to be at 
charge to send them home againe y* next year. Also, 
besids these ther came a company, that did not belong 
to y' general! body, but came one * their perticuler, 
and were to have lands assigned them, and be for 
them selves, yet to be subjecte to y* generall Gov- 

ftnd not a dcmd or any signe of raine to be seen, yet toward evening it 
begane to overcast, and shortly after to raine, witli shnch sweete and gentle 
showers, as gave them cause of rejoyceing, & blesing God. It came, without 
either wind, or thunder, or any violence, and by degreese In y* abundance, 
as that y« earth was thorowly wete and soked therwith. Which did so 
apparently revive & quicken y« decayed come & other fmits, as was won- 
derf nil to see, and made y" Indeans astonished to behold ; and afterwards the 
Lord sent them shuch seasonable showers, with enterchange of faire warme 
weather, as, through his blessing, caused a fruitfuU & liberall harvest, to 
their no small comforte and rejoycing. For which merde (in time con- 
veniente) they also sett aparte a day of thanksgiveing. This being overslipt 
in its place, I thought meet here to inserte y« same. 

[The above is written on the reverse of page 103 of the original, and 
should properly be inserted here. This passage, "being overslipt in its 
place,** the author at first wrote it, or the most of it, under the preceding 
year; but, discovering his error before completing it, drew his pen across it, 
and wrote beneath, ** This is to be here rased out, and is to be placed on 
page 108, wher it is inserted."] 
• On. 

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172 HISTORY OF [book II. 

erment; which caused some diferance and disturbance 
[101] amongst them, as will after appeare. I shall 
hear againe take libertie to inserte a few things out 
of shuch leters as came in this shipe, desiring rather 
to manefest things in ther words and apprehentions, 
then in my owne, as much as may be, without 

Beloved freinds, I kindly salate you all, with trust of 
your healths & wellfare, being right eerie y* no supplie hath 
been made to you all this while ; for defence wher of, I 
must referr you to our generall leters Naitheir indeed have 
we now sent you many things, which we should & would, 
for want of money. But persons, more then inough, (though 
not all we should,) for people come flying in upon us, but 
monys come creeping in to us. Some few of your old 
freinds are come, as, Ac. So they come droping to you, 
and by degrees, I hope ere long you shall enjoye them all. 
And because people press so hard upon us to goe, and often 
shuch as are none of y* fitest, I pray you write emestly to 
y* Treasurer and directe what persons should be sente. It 
greeveth me to see so weake a company sent you, and yet 
had I not been hear they had been weaker. You must still 
call upon the company hear to see y* honest men be sente 
you, and threaten to send them back if any other come, &c. 
We are not any way so much in danger, as- by cormpte an 
noughty persons. Shuch, and shuch, came without my con- 
sente ; but y* importunitie of their freinds got promise of 

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The following was from y® genrall. 

Loving freinds, we most bartily salute you in all love and 
harty affection ; being yet in hope y* the same God which 
hath hithertoo presented you in a marvelous maner, doth yet 
continue your lives and health, to his owne praise and all 
our comforts. Being right sory that you have not been sent 
unto all this time, &c. We have in this ship sent shuch 
women, as were willing and ready to goe to their husbands 
and freinds, with their children, &c. We would not have 
you discontente, because we have not sent you more of your 
old freinds, and in spetiall, him ♦ on whom you most depend. 
Farr be it from us to neclecte you, or contemne him. But 
as y* intente was at first, so y* evente at last shall shew it, 
that we will deal fairly, and squarly answer your expec- 
tations to the full. Ther are also come unto you, some 
honest men to plant upon their particulers besids you. A 
thing which if we should not give way unto, we should wrong 
both them and you. Them, by puting them on things more 
inconveniente, and you, for that being honest men, they will 
be a sti'engthening to y"" place, and good neighbours [102] 
unto you. Tow things we would advise you of, which we 
have likwise signified them hear. First, y* trade for skins 
to be retained for the generall till y* devidente ; 2^. y* their 
setling by you, be with shuch distance of place as is neither 
inconvenient for y* lying of your lands, nor hurtfuU to your 
speedy & easie assembling togeather. 

We have sente you diverse fisher men, with salte, &c. 
Diverse other provissions we have sente you, as will appear 
in your bill of lading, and though we have not sent all we 
would (because our cash is small), yet it is y^ we could, &c. 

And allthough it seemeth you have discovered many more 
rivers and fertill grounds then y* wher you are, yet seeing by 

•L R. 

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174 msTORT OP [book n. 

Gods providence y* place fell to you' lote, let it be accounted 
as your portion; and rather fixe your eyes upon that which 
may be done ther, then languish in hops after things els-wher. 
If your place be not y* best, it is better, you shall be y* 
less envied and encroached upon; and shuch as are earthly 
minded, will not setle too near your border.* If y* land 
afford you bread, and y* sea yeeld you fish, rest you a while 
contented, God will one day affoixl you better fare. And all 
men shall know you are neither fugetives nor discontents. 
But can, if God so order it, take y* worst to your selves, 
with content,t & leave y* best to your neighbours, with 

Let it not be greeveous unto you y* you have been instru- 
ments to breake y* ise for others who come after with less 
dificulty, the honour shall be yours to y* worlds end, &c. 

We bear you always in our brests, and our harty affection 
is towards you all, as are y*' harts of hundreds more which 
never saw your faces, who doubtles pray for your saftie as 
their owne, as we our selves both doe & ever shall, that y* 
same God which hath so marvelously preser\'ed you from 
seas, foes, and famine, will still preserve you from all 
future dangers, and make you honourable amongst men, and 
glorious in blise at y* last day. And so y* Lord be with 
you all & send us joyfull news from you, and inable us 
with one shoulder so to accomplish & perfecte this worke, 
as much glorie may come to Him y' confoundeth y* mighty 
by the weak, and maketh small thinges great. To whose 
greatnes, be all glorie for ever & ever. 

This leter was subscribed with 13. of their names. 
These passengers, when they saw their low & poore 

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and according to their diverse humores were diverslj 
affected; some wished them selves in England againe; 
others fell a weeping, fancying their own miserie in 
what y*^ saw now in others; other some pitying the 
distress they saw their freinds had been long in, and 
still were under; in a word, all were fiiU of sadnes. 
Only some of their old freinds rejoysed to see them, 
and y' it was no worse with them, for they could not 
expecte it should be better, and now hoped they should 
injoye better days togeather. And truly it was [103] 
no marvell they should be thus affected, for they were 
in a very low condition, many were ragged in aparell, 
& some litle beter then halfe naked; though some y* 
were well stord before, were well enough in this re- 
gard. But for food they were all alike, save some y* 
had got a few pease of y® ship y' was last hear. The 
best dish they could presente their freinds with was 
a lobster, or a peece of fish, without bread or any 
thing els but a cupp of fair spring water. And y* 
long continuance of this diate, and their labours abroad, 
had something abated y® freshnes of their former com- 
plexion. But God gave them health and strength in 
a good measure; and shewed them by experience y* 
truth of y' word, Deut. 8. 3* Y^ man liveth not by 
bread only^ but by every word y^ proceedeth out of y* 
mouth of y* Lord doth a man live. 

When I think how sadly y* scripture speaks of the 
famine in Jaakobs time, when he said to his sonns, 

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Goe buy us food, that we may live and not dye. 
Gen. 42. 2. and 43. 1, that the famine was great, or 
heade in the land ; and yet they had such great herds, 
and store of catle of sundrie kinds, which, besids flesh, 
must needs produse other food, as milke, butter & 
cheese, &c., and yet it was counted a sore aJBUction; 
theirs hear must needs be very great, therfore, who 
not only wanted the stafie of bread, but all these 
things, and had no Egipte to goe too. But God fedd 
them out of y* sea for y'' most parte, so wonderfull 
is his providence over his in all ages; for his mercie 
endureth for ever. 

On y® other hand the old planters were affraid that 
their come, when it was ripe, should be imparted to y* 
new-comers, whose provissions w** they brought with 
them they feared would fall short before y® year wente 
aboute (as indeed it did). They came to y* Gov' and 
besought him that as it was before agreed that they 
should set come for their perticuler, and accordingly 
they had taken extraordinary pains ther aboute, that 
they might freely injoye the same, and they would not 
have a bitte of y® victails now come, but waite till 
harvest for their owne, and let y* new-coffiers injoye 
what they had brought; they would have none of it, 
excepte thev could purchase any of it of them by 

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planters -would have eat up y* provissions brought, and 
they should have fallen into y^ like condition. 

This ship was in a shorte time laden with clapbord, 
by y® help of many hands. Also they sente in her all 
y® beaver and other ftirrs they had, & M'. Winslow 
was sent over with her, to informe of all things, and 
procure such things as were thought needfiill for their 
presente condition. By this time harvest was come, 
and in stead of famine, now God gave them plentie, 
and y* &ce of things was changed, to y* rejoysing of 
y* harts of many, for which they blessed Grod. And 
y® effect of their particuler planting was well scene, for 
all had, one way & other, pretty well to bring y* year 
aboute, and some of y® abler sorte and more [104] 
industrious had to spare, and sell to others, so as any 
generall wante or famine hath not been amongst them 
since to this day. 

Those that come on their perticuler looked for greater 
matters then they found or could attaine unto, aboute 
building great houses, and such pleasant situations for 
them, as them selves had fancied; as if they would be 
great men & rich, all of a sudaine ; but they proved 
castls in y® aire. These were y* conditions agreed on 
betweene y* colony and them. 

First, that y^ Gov% in y* name and with y® consente 
of y® company, doth in all love and frendship receive 
and imbrace them; and is to allote them competente 
places for habitations within y® towne. And promiseth 

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178 HISTORY or [book II. 

to shew them all such other curtesies as shall be rea- 
sonable for them to desire, or us to performe. 

2. That they, on their parts, be subjecte to all such 
laws & orders as are already made, or hear after shall 
be, for y* publick good. 

3. That they be freed and exempte from y* generall 
imployments of the said company, (which their pres- 
ente condition of comunitie requireth,) excepte com- 
mune defence, & such other imployments as tend to 
y* perpetuall good of y® collony. 

4^^. Towards y* maintenance of Grov'*, & publick 
officers of y* said collony, every male above y* age 
of 16. years shall pay a bushell of Indean wheat, or 
y* worth of it, into y* commone store. 

5^^. That (according to y* agreemente y® marcbants 
made with y°* before they came) they are to be wholy 
debared from all trade with the Indeans for all sorts 
of ftirrs, and such like commodities, till y* time of y* 
comunallitie be ended. 

About y^ midle of September arrived Captaine 
Robart Gorges in y* Bay of y® Massachusets, with 
sundrie passengers and families, intending ther to 
begine a plantation; and pitched upon y* place M'. 
Weston's people had forsaken. He had a comission 
from y^ Counsell of New-England, to be generall Gove"* 
of y*" cuntrie, and they appoynted for his counsell & 
assistance, Captaine Francis West, y® aforesaid admirall, 
Christopher Levite, Esquire, and y* Gov' of Plimoth for 

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y® time beeing, &c. AIlso, they gave him authoritie to 
chuse such other as he should find fit. Allso, they gave 
(by their comission) full power to him & his assistants, 
or any 3. of them, wherof him selfe was allway to be 
one, to doe and execute what to them should seeme 
good> in all cases, Capitall, Criminall, and Civill, &c., 
with diverce other instructions. Of which, & his 
comission, it pleased him to suffer y® Gov' hear to 
take a coppy. 

He gave them notice of his arivall by letter, but 
before they could visite him he went to y"" eastward 
with y* ship he came in; but a storme arising, (and 
they wanting a good pilot to harbor them in those 
parts,) they bore up for this harbor. He and his 
men were hear kindly entertained; he stayed hear 
14. days. In y* mean time came in M'. Weston with 
his small ship, which he had now recovered. [105*] 
Captaine Gorges tooke hold of y** opportunitie, and 
acquainted y® Gov' hear, that one occasion of his 
going to y* eastward was to meete with M'. Weston, 
and call him to accounte for some abuses he had to 
lay to his charge. Wherupon he called him before 
him, and some other of his assistants, with y** Gov' of 
this place ; and charged him, first, with y* ille carriage 
of his men at y® Massachusets ; by which means the 
peace of y® cuntrie was disturbed, and him selfe & the 
people which he had brought over to plante in that 

• In MS. also 145. 

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bay were therby much prejudised. To this M'. Weston 
easily answered, that what was that way done, was in 
his absence, and might have befalen any man; he left 
fchem sufBcently provided, and conceived they would 
have been well governed ; and for any errour cocSitted 
he had sufficiently smarted. This particuler was passed 
by. A 2**. was, for an abuse done to his father, S'. 
Ferdenando Gorges, and to y* State. The thing was 
this; he used him & others of y® Counsell of New- 
England, to procure him a licence for y* transporting 
of many peeces of great ordnance for New-England, 
pretending great fortification hear in y* countrie, & I 
know not what shipping. The which when he had 
obtained, he went and sould them beyond seas for his 
private profite ; for which (he said) y® State was much 
offended, and his father suffered a shrowd check, and 
he had order to apprehend him for it. M'. Weston 
excused it as well as he could, but could not deney 
it; it being one maine thing (as was said) for which 
he with-drew himself. But after many passages, by 
y* mediation of y* Gov' and some other freinds hear, 
he was inclined to gentlnes (though he aprehended y* 
abuse of his father deeply) ; which, when M"^. Weston 
saw, he grew more presumptuous, and gave such pro- 
vocking & cutting speches, as made him rise up in 
ffreat indignation & distemper, and vowed v* he would 

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privatly to y* Grov' hear, to know whether they would 
suffer Captaine Grorges to apprehend him. He was 
tould they could not hinder him, but much blamed 
him, y* after they had pacified things, he should thus 
breake out, by his owne folly & rashnes, to bring 
trouble upon him selfe & them too. He confest it 
was his passion, and prayd y^ Gov*" to entreat for him, 
and pacific him if he could. The which at last he 
did, with much adoe; so he was called againe, and y* 
Gov"* was contente to take his owne bond to be ready 
to make further answer, when either he or y* lords 
should send for him. And at last he tooke only his 
word, and ther was a freidly parting on all hands. 

But after he was gone, M^ Weston in lue of thanks 
to y* Gov' and his freinds hear, gave them this quib 
(behind their baks) for all their pains. That though 
they were but yonge justices, yet they wear good 
beggers. Thus they parted at this time, and shortly 
after y* Gov' tooke his leave and went to y* Mas- 
sachusets by land, being very thankftill for his kind 
entertainemente. The ship stayed hear, and fitted her 
selfe to goe for Virginia, having some passengers ther 
to deliver; and with her returned sundrie of those 
from hence which came -over on their perticuler, some 
out of discontente and dislike of y* cuntrie ; others by 
reason of a fire that broke out, and burnt y* houses 
they lived in, and all their provisions [106 *] so as 

* In MS. also 146. 

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182 HISTORY OF [book U. 

they were necessitated therunto. This fire was occa- 
sioned by some of y® sea-men that were roystering in 
a house wher it first begane, makeing a great fire in 
very could weather, which broke out of y® chimney 
into y** thatch, and burute downe 3. or 4. houses, and 
consumed all y® goods & provissions in y™. The 
house in which it begane was right against their store- 
house, which they had much adoe to save, in which 
were their comone store & all their provissions; y* 
which if it had been lost, y® plantation had been over- 
throwne. But through Gods mercie it was saved by 
y® great dilligence of y* people, & care of y* Gov' & 
some aboute him. Some would have had y* goods 
throwne out; but if they had, ther would much have 
been stolne by the rude company y* belonged to these 
2. ships, which were allmost all ashore. But a trusty 
company was plased within, as well as those that with 
wet-cloaths & other means kept of y* fire without, 
that if necessitie required they might have them out 
with all speed. For y®^ suspected some malicious 
dealling, if not plaine treacherie, and whether it was 
only suspition or no, God knows ; but this is certaine, 
that when y*' tumulte was greatest, ther was a voyce 
heard (but from whom it was not knowne) that bid 
them looke well aboute them, for all were not freinds 
v^ were near them. And ahortlv after, when the 

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1623.] PLYMOUTH PliANTATlON, 183 

bouse, which was watled up with bowes, in y* withered 
leaves wherof y* fire was kindled, which some, runing 
to quench, found a longe firebrand of an ell longe, 
lying under y* wale on y® inside, which could not 
possibly come their by cassualtie, but must be laid 
ther by some hand, in y® judgmente of all that saw 
it. But God kept them from this deanger, what ever 
was intended. 

Shortly after Captaine Gorges, y* generall Gov"*, was 
come home to y^ Massachusets, he sends a warrante 
to arrest M^ Weston & his ship, and sends a m'. to 
bring her away thither, and one Captain Hanson (that 
belonged to him) to conducte him along. The Gov' 
& others hear were very sory to see him take this 
course, and tooke exception at y** warrante, as not 
legall nor sufficiente; and withall write to him to dis- 
8 wade him from this course, shewing him y* he would 
but entangle and burthen him selfe in doing this; for 
he could not doe M^ Weston a better tume, (as things 
stood with him) ; for he had a great many men that 
belonged to him in this barke, and was deeply ingaged 
to them for wages, and was in a maner out of victails 
{and now winter) ; all which would light upon him, if 
he did arrest his barke. In y^ mean time M'. Weston 
bad notice to shift for him selfe; but it was conceived 
he either knew not whither to goe, or how to mend 
him selfe, but was rather glad of y*' occasion, and so 
stirred not. But y* Gov"^ would not be perswaded, but 

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y formall warrente under his hand & 
charge as they would answere it to 
write that he had better considered 
e was hear, and he could not answer 
)e so; besids other things that were 
iedg since, which he must answer too. 
ed to proceede, but he found in the 
rue that was tould him; for when an 
,ken of what was in y* ship, ther was 
[ for above 14. days, at a pare allow- 
mch else of any great worth, & the 
out of him for wages and diate, in y* 
ade him soone weary. So as in con- 
to his loss, and y^ expence of his 
; and towards the spring they came to 
they had bene to y* eastward,) and 
dim his vessell againe, and made him 
isket, meal, and such like provissions, 
made use of that was his, or what 
f way wasted or consumed. So M'. 
;her againe, and afterward shaped his 
nie, & so for present I shall leave 

some V* depended upon him returned 

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answer his qaallitie & condition. The peopi dispersed 
them selves, some went for England, others for Vir- 
ginia, some few remained, and were helped with sup- 
plies from hence. The Gov'' brought over a minister 
with him, one M'. Morell, who, about a year after y® 
Gov' returned, tooke shipping from hence. He had I 
know not what power and authority of superintendancie 
over other churches granted him, and sundrie instruc- 
tions for that end ; but he never shewed it, or made any 
use of it; (it should seeme he saw it was in vaine;) 
he only speake of it to some hear at his going away. 
This was in effect y* end of a 2. plantation in that 
place. Ther were allso this year some scatering be- 
ginings made in other places, as at Paskataway, 
by M'. David Thomson, at Monhigen, and some other 
places by sundrie others. 

It rests now y^ I speake a word aboute y* pinass 
spoken of before, which was sent by y® adventurers to 
be imployed in y^ cuntrie. She was a fine vessell, and 
bravely set out,* and I fear y® adventurers did over 
pride them selves in her, for she had ill success. How 
ever, they erred grosly in tow things aboute her; first, 
though she had a sufficiente maister, yet she was rudly 
maned, and all her men were upon shars, and none was 
to have any wages but y® m^ 2^^, wheras they mainly 

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HI&TORY or [book H. 

from M'. Weston & his crue, with others 
stampe, neither m'. nor Gov' could scarce 

them, for they exclaimed that they were 
[eceived, for they were toald they should 
Qan of warr, and take I know not whom, 
Spaniards, &c. They would neither trade 
cepte they had wages; in fine, they would 
3mand of y* maisters; so it was appre- 

would either rune away with y* vessell, or 
** y'' ships, and leave her; so as M*". Peirce 

their fr^inds perswaded the Grov"^ to chaing 
ion, and give them wages ; which was ac- 
ane. And she was sente about y* Cape to 
ets to trade, but they made but a poore 
. Some come and beaver they got, but y* 
to furnish them with cloath & better comod- 
liaveing oYily a few beads & knives, which 
ler much esteemed. Allso, in her retume 

very entrance into ther owne harbore, she 
have been cast away in a storme, and was 
t her maine mast by y* bord, to save her- 
driving on y® flats that lye without, caled 
ids, the force of y® wind being so great as 
nchors give way and she drive right upon 

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Anno Dom: 1624. 

The time of new election of ther officers for this 
year being come, and* y* number of their people in- 
creased, and their troubis and occasions therwith, the 
Gov' desired them to chainge y* persons, as well as 
renew y* election ; and also to adde more Assistans 
to y* Gov"* for help & counsell, and y* better carrying 
on of affairs. Showing that it was necessarie it should 
be so. If it was any honour or benefite, it was fitte 
others should be made pertakers of it; if it was a 
burthen, (as doubtles it was,) it was but equall others 
should help to bear it; and y* this was y® end of 
Anuall Elections. The issue was, that as before ther 
was but one Assistante, they now chose 5. giving the 
Gov' a duble voyce ; and aftwards they increased them 
to 7. which course hath continued to this day. 

They having with some truble & charge new-masted 
and rigged their pinass, in y* begining of March they 
sent her well vitaled to the eastward on fishing. She 
arrived safly at a place near Damarins cove, and was 
there well harbored in a place wher ships used to 
ride, ther being also some ships allready arived out 
of England. But shortly after ther [109] arose such 
a violent & extraordinarie storme, as y* seas broak 
over such places in y® harbor as was never seene be- 
fore, and drive her against great roks, which beat such 

• And is repeated in the MS. 

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188 HISTORY or [book II. 

a hole in her bulke, as a horse and carte might have 
gone in, and after drive her into deep-water, wher she 
lay sunke. The m*". was drowned, the rest of y* men, 
all save one, saved their lives, with much a doe; all 
her provision, salt, and what els was in her, was lost. 
And here I must leave her to lye till afterward. 

Some of those that still remained hear on their per- 
ticuler, begane privatly to nurish a faction, and being 
privie to a strong faction that was among y* adventur- 
ers in England, on whom sundry of them did depend, 
by their private whispering they drew some of the 
weaker sorte of y'' company to their side, and so fiUd 
them with discontente, as nothing would satisfie them 
excepte they might be sufiered to be in their perticuler 
allso ; and made great offers, so they might be freed 
from y* generall. The Gov*" consulting with y* ablest 
of y* generall body what was best to l>e done hear 
in, it was resolved to permitte them so to doe, upon 
equall conditions. The conditions were the same in 
effect with y* former before related. Only some more 
added> as that they should be bound here to remaine 
till y* generall partnership was ended. And also that 
they should pay into y* store, y* on halfe of all such 
goods and comodities as they should any waise raise 
above their food, in consideration of what charg had 
been layed out for them, with some such like things. 

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came too; and they were as sone weary of it. For 
the other had pers waded them, & M''. Weston to- 
geather, that ther would never come more supply to 
y* generall body; but y* perticulers had such freinds 
as would cArry all, and doe for them I know not 

Shortly after, M'. Winslow came over, and brought 
a prety good supply, and the ship came on fishing, a 
thing fatall to this plantation. He brought 3. heifers 
& a bull, the first begining of any catle of that kind 
in y^ land, with some cloathing & other necessaries, as 
will further appear ; but withall y* reporte of a strong 
faction amongst the adventurers * against them, and 
espetially against y* coming of y* rest from Ley den, 
and with what difficulty this supply was procured, and 
how, by their strong & long opposision, bussines was 
so retarded as not only they were now falne too late 
for y^ fishing season, but the best men were taken up 
of y® fishermen in y® west countrie, and he was forct 
to take such a m'. & company for that imployment as 
he could procure upon y* present. Some letters from 
them shall beter declare these things, being as fol- 

[110] Most worthy & loving freinds, your kind & loving 

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lew stock for y' seting forth of this shipe, caled 

with men & necessaries, both for y* plantation 

ing, though accomplished with very great diffi- 

sgard we have some amongst us which undoubt- 

aore at their owne piivate ends, and y* thwarting 

of some hear, and other worthy instruments,* of 

elswher, then at y* generall good and further- 

) noble & laudable action. Yet againe we have 

, and I hope y' greatest parte, very honest Chris- 

rhich I am perswaded their ends and intents are 

* gloiy of our Lord Jesus Christ, in y* propaga- 

gospell, and hope of gaining those poore salvages 

edg of God. But, as we have a proverbe, One 

p may man* a whole flock, so these malecontented 

turbulente spirits, doe what in them lyeth to 

lens harts from you and your freinds, yea, even 

lerall bussines ; and yet under show and pretence 

and furtherance of y* plantation. Wheras the 

try doth plainly appeare ; as some of y* honester 

(though of late of their faction) did make manifest 

meeting. But what should I trouble you or my 

lese restles opposera of all goodnes, and I doubte 

binuall disturbers of our frendly meetings & love. 

ay y* 8. of Jan : we had a meeting aboute the 

weene you & us ; wher they would rejecte that, 

I our late leters prest you to grante, (an addition 

of our joynt stock). And their reason which 

make known to us was, it trobled their con- 

(xacte longer time of you then was agreed u|X)n 

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reports, aud so diverse waise doe us more hurt, by going of 
in such a furie, then they could or can by continuing adven- 
turers amongst us, would not suffer them. But on y* 12. of 
Jan : we had another meting, but in the interime diverse of 
us had talked with most of them privatly, and had great 
combats & reasoning, pro & con. But at night when we 
mete to read y* generall letter, we had y* loveingest and 
f rendlyest meeting that ever 1 knew * and our greatest ene- 
mise offered to lend us 50h. So I sent for a potle of wine, 
(I would you could f doe y* like,) which we dranke freindly 
together. Thus God can tume y* harts of men when it 
pleaseth him, &c. Thus loving freinds, I hartily salute you 
all in y* Lord, hoping ever to rest. 

Yours to my power, 
Jan: 25. 1629. Jahbs Sheblet. 

[Ill] Another leter. 

Beloved S'., &c. We have now sent you, we hope, men 
& means, to setle these 3. things, viz. fishing, salt making, 
and boat making; if you can bring them to pass to some 
perfection, your wants may be supplyed. I pray you bend 
you selfe what you can to setle these bussinesses. Let y' 
ship be fraught away as soone as you can, and sent to Bil- 
bow. You must send some discreete man for factore, whom, 
once more, you must also authorise to confirme y* conditions. 
If M'. Winslow could be spared, I could wish he came 

* Bnt this lasted not long, they had now provided Lyford & others to send 

t It is worthy to be observed, how y« Lord doth chaing times & things; 
for what is now more plentifnil then wine ? and that of y" best, coming from 
Malago, y« Cannaries, and other places, sundry ships lading in a year. So 
as ther is now more cause to complaine of y« excess and y^ abuse of wine 
(through mens corruption) even to drunkennes, then of any defecte or wants 
of y« same. Witnes this year 1646. The good Lord lay not y«-8in8 & on- 
thankfuUnes of men to their charge in this perticnler. 

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192 HISTORY or [BOOKn. 

againe. This ship carpenter is thought to be the fittest man 
for you in the laud, and will no doubte doe you much good. 
Let him have an absolute comand over his servants & 
such as you put to him. Let him build you 2. catches, a 
lighter, and some 6. or 7. shalops, as soone as you can. 
The salt-man is a skillfull & industrious man, put some to 
him, that may quickly apprehende y* misterie of it. The 
preacher we have sent is (we hope) an honest plaine man, 
though none of y' most eminente and rare. Aboute chusing 
him into office use your owne iibeily & discretion ; he knows 
he is no officer amongst you, though perhaps custome & 
universalitie may make him forget him selfe. M'. Winslow 
& my selfe gave way to his going, to give contente to some 
hear, and we see no hurt in it, but only his great charge of 

We have tooke a patente for Cap Anne, &c. I am soiy 
ther is no more discretion used by some in their leters 
hither.* Some say you are starved in body & soule ; othere, 
y* you eate piggs & doggs, that dye alone; others, that y* 
things hear spoaken of, y* goodnes of y* cuntry, are gross 
and palpable lyes ; that ther is scarce a foule to be scene, 
or a fish to be taken, and many such like I would such 
discontented men were hear againe, for it is a miserie when 
y* whole state of a plantation shall be thus exposed to y* 
passionate humors of some discontented men. And for my 
selfe I shall hinder for hearafter some y' would goe, and 
have not better composed their affections ; mean space it is 
all our crosses, and we must bear them. 

I am sorie we have not sent you more and other things, 
but in truth we have rune into so much charge, to victaile 
y* ship, provide salte & other fishing implements, &c. as we 

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put US in cash againe. The Lord make you full of courage 
in this troublesome bussines, which now must be stuck unto, 
till God give us rest from our labours. Fare well in all 
harty. alffection. 

Your assured freind, 
Jan: 24. 1623. R. C. 

With y* former letter write by M'. Sherley, there 
were sente sundrie objectioDs concerning which he thus 
writeth. ** These are the oheefe objections which they 
[112] that are now returned make against you and 
the countrie. I pray you consider them, and answer 
them by the first conyeniencie.'' These objections were 
made by some of those that came over on their pertio- 
uler and were returned home, as is before mentioned, 
and were of y* same suite with those y* this other 
letter mentions. 

I shall here set them downe, with y® answers then 
made unto them, and sent over at y® retume of this 
ship; which did so confound y* objecters, as some 
confessed their falte, and others deneyed what they 
had said, and eate their words, & some others of them 
have since come over againe and heere lived to con- 
vince them selves sufficiently, both in their owne & 
other mens judgments. 

1. obj. was diversitie aboute Religion. Ans: We 
know no such matter, for here was never any con- 
troversie or opposition, either publicke or private, (to 
our knowledg,) since we came. 

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194 HISTORY OF [book U. 

2. ob : Neglecte of familie duties, one y* Lords day. 
Ans. We allow no such thing, but blame it in our 

selves & others; and they that thus reporte it, should 
have shewed their Christian love the more if they had 
in love tould y* offenders of it, rather then thus to 
reproach them behind their baks. But (to say no 
more) we wish them selves had given better example. 

3. ob: Wante of both the sacrements. 

Ans. The more is our greefe, that our pastor is 
kept from us, by whom we might injoye them; for 
we used to have the Lords Supper every Saboth, and 
baptisme as often as ther was occasion of children to 

4. ob: Children not catechised nor taught to read. 
Ans: Neither is true; for diverse take pains with 

their owne as they can; indeede, we have no comone 
schoole for want of a fitt person, or hithertoo means 
to maint^ne one; though we desire now to begine. 

5. ob : Many of y* perticuler members of y* planta- 
tion will not work for y® generall. 

Ans : This allso is not wholy true ; for though some 
doe it not willingly, & other not honestly, yet all doe 
it; and he that doth worst gets his owne foode & 
something besids. But we will not excuse them, but 
labour to reforme them y* best we cane, or else to 
Quitte V® Dlantation of them. 

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beere and wine in London, (which they so dearly 
love,) we will not dispute with them; but els, for 
water, it is as good as any in y® world, (for ought 
we knowe,) and it is wholsome enough to us that can 
be contente therwith. 

7. ob: The ground is barren and doth bear no 

[113] Ans: It is hear (as in all places) some better 
& some worse ; and if they well consider their words, 
in England they shall not find such grasse in them, as 
in their feelds & meadows. The catle find grasse, for 
they are as fatt as need be; we wish we had but one 
for every hundred that hear is grase to keep. Indeed, 
this objection, as some other, are ridiculous to all here 
which see and know y* contrary. 

8. ob: The fish will not take salt to keepe sweete. 
Ans: This is as true as that which was written, 

that ther is scarce a foule to be seene or a fish to 
be taken. Things likly to be true in a cuntrie wher 
so many sayle of ships come yearly a fishing; they 
might as well say, there can no aile or beere in Lon- 
don be kept from sowering. 

9. ob : Many of them are theevish and steale on 
from an other. 

Ans : Would London had been free from that crime, 
then we should not have been trobled with these here ; 
it is well knowne sundrie have smarted well for it, 
and so are y^ rest like to doe, if they be taken. 

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The countrio is anoyed with foxes and 

o are many other good ountries too; but 
raps, and other such means will help to 

The Dutch are planted nere Hudsons Bay, 
tely to overthrow the trade. 
hey will come and plante in these parts, 
ve and others doe not, but goe home and 

them. We rather commend them, then 
them for it. 

The people are much anoyed with mus- 

bey are too delicate and unfitte to begine 
tions and collonies, that cannot enduer the 

1 muskeeto ; we would wish such to keepe 
11 at least they be muskeeto proofe. Yet 
is as free as any, and experience teacheth 
re y* land is tild, and y® woods cut downe, 

ther will be, and in the end scarse any 

thus dispatcht these things, that I may 
Qgs togeather, I shall here inserte 2. other 
Q M'. Robinson their pastor.; the one to y* 
ther to M'. Brewster their Elder, which will 


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ni8 leter to y* Ootf. 

My loving & much beloved freind, whom God hath 
hithertoo presei^ved, preserve and keepe you still to his 
glorie, and y* good of many; that his blessing may make 
your godly and wise endeavours answerable to y* valuation 
which they ther have, & set upon y* same. Of your love 
too and care for us here, we never doubted ; so are we glad 
to take knowledg of it in that fullnes we doe. Our love & 
care to and for you, is mutuall, though our hopes of com- 
ing [114] unto you be small, and weaker then ever. But 
of this at large in M'. Brewsters letter, with whom you, and 
he with you, mutualy, I know, comunicate your letters, as 
I desire you may doe these, &c. 

Concerning y* killing of those poor Indeans, of which we 
heard at first by reporte, and since by more certaine rela- 
tion, oh I how happy a thing had it been, if you had con- 
verted some, before yc^ had killed any; l)esids, wher bloud 
is one begune to be shed, it is seldome stanched of a long 
time after. You will say they deserved it. I grant it; but 
upon what provocations and invitments by those heathenish 
Christians?* Besids, you, being no magistrats over them, 
were to consider, not what they deserved, but what you 
were by necessitie constrained to inflicte. Necessitie of this, 
espetially of killing so many, (and many more, it seems, 
they would, if they could,) I see not. Methinks on or tow 
principals should have been full enough, according to that 
approved rule. The punishmente to a few, and y* fear to 
many. Upon this occasion let me be bould to exhorte you 
seriouly to consider of y* dispossition of your Captaine, whom 
I love, and am perswaded y* Lord in great mercie and for 
much good hath sent you him, if you use him aright. He 
is a man humble and meek amongst you, and towards all 

• M'. Westons men. 

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198 HISTORY OP [book U. 

in ordinarie course. But now if this be meerly from an 
humane spirite, ther is cause to. fear that by occasion, 
espetially of provocation, ther may be wanting y* tendemes 
of y* life of man (made after Gods image) which is meete. 
It is also a thing more glorious in mens eyes, then pleas- 
ing in Gods, or conveniente for Christians, to be a terrour 
to poore barbarous people ; and indeed I am afraid least, by 
these occasions, others should be drawne to ajffecte a kind of 
rufling course in the world. I doubt not but you will take 
in good part these things which I write, and as ther is 
cause make use of them. It were to us more comfortable 
and convenient, that we comunicated our mutuall helps in 
presence, but seeing that canot be done, we shall always 
long after you, and love you, and waite Gods apoynted 
time. The adventurers it seems have neither money nor 
any great mind of us, for y** most parte. They deney it to 
be any part of y* covenants betwixte us, that they should 
trasporte us, neither doe I looke for any further help from 
them, till means come from you. We hear are strangers in 
effecte to y^ whole course, and so both we and you (save as 
your owne wisdoms and worths have intressed you further) 
of principals intended in this bussines, are scarce accessa- 
ries, &c. My wife, with me, resalute you & yours. Unto 
him who is y^ same to his in all places, and nere to them 
which are farr from one an other, I comend you and all 
with you, resting. 

Yours truly loving, 

John Robinson. 
Leyden, Des: 19. 1623. 

His to M". Brewster. 

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you, that I most gladly hear of, and praise Grod for the 
same. And I hope M". Brewsters weake and decayed state 
of body will have some reparing by the coming of her 
daughters, and the provissions in this and former ships, I 
hear is made for you; which maks us with more patience 
bear our languishing state, and y* deferring of our desired 
trasportation ; w*** I call desired, rather than hoped for, 
whatsoever you are borne in hand by any others. For firat, 
ther is no hope at all, that I know, or can conceive of, of 
any new stock to be raised for that end; so that all must 
depend [115] upon returns from you, in which are so many 
unceitainties, as that nothing with any certaintie can thence 
be concluded. Besids, howsoever for y* ptesente the adven- 
turers aledg nothing but want of money, which is an in- 
vincible difculty, yet if that be taken away by you, others 
without doubte will be found. For the beter clearing of this, 
we must dispose y* adventurers into 3. parts; and of them 
some 5. or 6. (as I conceive) are absolutly bent for us, 
above any others. Other §. or 6. are our bitter professed 
adversaries. The rest, being the body, I conceive to be 
honestly minded, & ioveingly also towards us; yet such as 
have others (uamly y* forward preachera) nerer unto them, 
then us, and whose course so farr as ther is any differance, 
they would ratlber advance then ours. Now what a hanck 
these men have over y* professors, you know. And I per- 
swade my selfe, that for me, they of all others are unwilling 
I should be transported, espetially such of them as have an 
eye that way them selves; as thinking if I come ther, ther 
market will be mard in many regards. And for these ad- 
verearies, if they have but halfe y* witte to their malice, they 
will stope my course when they see it intended, for which 
this delaying serveth them very opportunly. And as one 
restie jade can hinder, by hanging back, more then two or 
8. can (or will at least, if they be not very free) draw for- 

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200 HISTORY OP [book H. 

ward, so will it be in this case. A notable * experimente of 
this, they gave in your messengers presence, constraining y* 
company to promise that none of the money now gathered 
should be expended or imployed to y* help of any of us 
towards you. Now touching y* question propounded by you, 
I judg it not lawfuU for you, being a ruling Elder, as Rom. 
12. 7. 8. & 1. Tim. 5. 17. opposed to the Elders that teach 
& exhorte and labore in y* word and doctrine, to which y* 
sacrements are anexed, to administer them, nor convenient 
if it were lawfull. Whether any lamed man will come unto 
you or not, I know not; if any doe, you must CofisUiu 
oapere in arena. Be you most hartily saluted, & you' wife 
with you, both from me & mine. Your God & ours, and 
y* God of all his, bring us together if it be his will, and keep 
us in the mean while, and allways to his glory, and make us 
servisable to his majestic, and faithfull to the end. Amen. 

Your veiy loving brother, 

John Robinson. 
Leyden, Des : 20. 1623. 

These things premised, I shall now prosecute y* pro- 
cedings and afairs here. And before I come to other 
things I must speak a word of their planting this 
year; they having found y* benifite of their last 
years harvest, and setting coriie for their particuler, 
having therby with a great deale of patience over- 
come hunger & famine. Which maks me remember 

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more pretioas then silver, and those that had some to 
spare begane to trade one with another for smale 
things, by y*' quarte, potle, & peck, &o. ; for money 
they had none, and if any had, come was prefered 
before it. That they might therfore encrease their 
tillage to better advantage, they made suite [116] to 
the Gov' to have some portion of land given them 
for continuance, and not by yearly lotte, for by that 
means, that which y^ more industrious had brought 
into good culture (by much pains) one year, came to 
leave it y* nexte, and often another might injoye it; 
so as the dressing of their lands were the more 
sleighted over, & to lese profite. Which being well 
considered, their request was granted. And to every 
person was given only one acrre of land, to them & 
theirs, as nere y* towne as might be, and they had no 
more till y« 7. years were expired. The reason was, 
that they might be kept close together both for more 
saftie and defence, and y® better improvement of y* 
generall imployments. WTiich condition of theirs did 
make me often thinke, of what 1 had read in Plinie * 
of y* Romans first beginings in Romulus time. How 
every man contented him selfe with 2. Acres of landy 
and had no more assigned them. And chap. 3, It 
was thought a great reward^ to receive at y* hands of 

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202 HISTORY OF [book U. 

victory over their enemise^ was as much ground as 
Oiey could tiU in one day. And he vKts not counted 
a goody but a dangerous man^ thai would not contente 
him selfe with 7. Acres of land. As also flow they 
did pound their come in morters^ as these people were 
forcte to doe many years before they could get a 

The ship which brought this supply, was speedily 
discharged, and with her m'. & company sente to 
Cap-Anne (of which place they had gott a patente, as 
before is shewed) on fishing, and because y® season was 
so farr spente some of y* planters were sent to help 
to build their stage, to their owne hinderance. But 
partly by y* latenes of y* year, and more espetialy by 
y® basnes of y'' m'., one Baker, they made a poore 
viage of it. He proved a very drunken beast, and 
did nothing (in a maner) but drink, & gusle, and 
consume away y^ time & his victails; and most of 
his company followed his example; and though M*^. 
William Peirce was to over see the busines, & to 
be m', of y° ship home, yet he could doe no good 
amongst them, so as y® loss was great, and would 
bave bene more to them, but that they kept one a 
trading ther, which in those times got some store of 
skins, which was some help unto them. 

The ship-carpenter that was sent them, was an 

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ployed with him doe y* like; he quickly builte them 
2 very good & strong shalops (which after did them 
greate service) , and a great and strong lighter, and 
had hewne timber for 2. catches; but that was lost, 
for he fell into a feaver in y* bote season of y* year, 
and though he had the best means y® place could aforde, 
yet he dyed; of whom they had a very [117] great 
loss, and were very sorie for his death. But he whom 
they sent to make salte was an ignorante, foolish, self- 
willd fellow ; he bore them in hand he could doe great 
matters in making salt-works, so he was sente to seeke 
out fitte ground for his purpose ; and after some serch 
he tould y^ Gov*^ that he had found a sufficente place, 
with a good botome to hold water, and otherwise very 
conveniente, which he doubted not but in a short time 
to bring to good perfection, and to yeeld them great 
profite; but he must have 8. or ten men to be con- 
stantly imployed. He was wisht to be sure that y* 
ground was good, and other things answerable, and 
y* he could bring it to perfection ; otherwise he would 
bring upon them a great charge by imploying him 
selfe and so many men. But he was, after some triall, 
so confidente, as he caused them to send carpenters to 
rear a great frame for a large house, to receive y* salte 
& such other uses. But in y® end all proved vaine. 
Then he layed fault of y* ground, in which he was 
deceived; but if he might have the lighter to cary 
clay, he was sure then he could doe it. Now though 

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204 HISTORY OP [book IL 

y* Gov' & some other foresaw that this would come to 
title, yet they had so many malignant spirits amongst 
them, that would have laid it upon them, in their let- 
ters of complainte to y* adventurers, as to be their 
falte y* would not suffer him to goe on to bring his 
work to perfection; for as he by his bould confidence 
& large promises deceived them in England that sente 
him, so he had wound him selfe in to these mens high 
esteeme hear, so as they were faine to let him goe on 
till all men saw his vanity. For he could not doe any 
thing but boyle salt in pans, & yet would make them 
y* were joynd with him beleeve ther was so grat a 
misterie in it as was not easie to be attained, and 
made them doe many unnecessary things to blind their 
eys, till they discerned his sutltie. The next yere he 
was sente to Cap- Anne, and y^ pans were set' up ther 
wher the fishing was; but before somer was out, he 
burte the house, and the fire was so vehemente as it 
spoyld the pans, at least some of them, and this was 
the end of that chargable bussines. 

The 3^- eminente person (which y* letters before men- 
tion) was y® minister which they sent over, by name 
M'. John Lyford, of whom & whose doing I must be 
more large, though I shall abridg things as much as I 
can. When this man first came a shore, he saluted 
them with that reverence & humilitie as is seldome to 
be seen, and indeed made them ashamed, he so bowed 
and cringed unto them, and would have kissed their 

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hands if they would have [118] suffered him ; * yea, 
he wept & shed many tears, blessing God that had 
brought him to see their faces ; and admiring y^ things 
they had done in their wants, &c. as if he had been 
made all of love, and jr® humblest person in y* world. 
And all y* while (if we may judg by his after cariags) 
he was but like him mentioned in Psa: 10. 10. That 
croucheth & boweth, that heaps of poore may fall by 
his might. Or like to that dissembling Ishmaell,t who, 
when he had slaine Gedelia, went out weeping and 
mette them y* were coming to offer incence in y* house 
of y* Lord ; saing, Come to Gredelia, when he ment to 
slay them. They gave him y* best entertainment y®^ 
could, (in all simplisitie,) and a larger alowans of 
food out of y® store then any other had, and as the 
Gov' had used in all waightie affairs to consulte with 
their Elder, M'. Brewster, (togeither with his assist- 
ants,) so now he caled M'. Liford also to counsell with 
them in their waightiest bussineses. Ater some short 
time he desired to joyne himselfe a member to y* 
church hear, and was accordingly received. He made 
a large confession of his faith, and an acknowledge- 
mente of his former disorderly walking, and his being 
intangled with many corruptions, which had been a 
burthen to his conscience, and blessed God for this 
opportunitie of freedom & libertie to injoye y^ ordi- 
nances of God in puritie among his people, with many 

• Of w^ were many witoesos. t Jer» *!• 6* 

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206 HISTORY OP [book II. 

more such like expressions, I must hear speake a word 
also of M'. John Oldom, who was a copartner with 
him in his after courses. He had bene a cheefe sticler 
in y* former fiftctioi) among y* perticulers, and an 
intelligencer to those in England. But now, since the 
coming of this ship and he saw j^ supply that came, 
he tooke occasion to open his minde to some of y* 
cheefe amongst them heere, and confessed he had done 
them wrong both by word & deed, & writing into 
England; but he now saw the eminente hand of God 
to be with them, and his blesing upon them, which 
made his hart smite hun, neither should those in Eng- 
land ever use him as an instrumente any longer against 
them in any thing; he also desired former things 
might be forgotten, and that they would looke upon 
him as one that desired to close with them in all 
things, with such like expressions. Now whether this 
was in hipocrisie, or out of some sudden pange of 
conviction (which I rather thinke), God only knows. 
Upon it they shew all readynes to imbrace his love, 
and carry towards him in all frendlynes, and called 
him to counsell with them in all cheefe affairs, as y^ 
other, without any distrust at all. 

Thus all things seemed to goe very comfortably and 
smothly on amongst them, at which they did much 
rejoyce ; but this lasted not [119] long, for both Oldom 

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they could; were they never so vile or profane^ they 
did nourish & back them in all their doings; so they 
would but cleave to them and speak against y^ church 
hear; so as ther was nothing but private meetings and 
whisperings amongst them; they feeding themselves & 
others with what they should bring to pass in England 
by the faction of their freinds their, which brought 
others as well as them selves into a fools paradise. 
Yet they could not cary so closly but much of both 
their doings & sayings were discovered, yet outwardly 
they still set a faire face of things. 

At lenght when y* ship was ready to goe, it was 
observed Liford was long in writing, & sente many 
letters, and could not forbear to comunicate to his 
intimats such things as made them laugh in their 
sleeves, and thought he had done ther errand suffi- 
ciently. The Gov' and some other of his freinds know- 
ing how things stood in England, and what hurt these 
things might doe, tooke a shalop and wente out with 
the ship a league or 2. to sea, and caled for all Lifords 
& Oldums letters. M'. William Peirce being m^ of 
y® ship, (and knew well their evill dealing both in 
England & here,) afforded him all y** assistance he 
could. He found above 20. of Lyfords letters, many 
of them larg, and full of slanders, & false accusations, 
tending not only to their prejudice, but to their mine 
& utter subversion. Most of the letters they let pas, 
only tooke copys of them, but some of y* most materiall 

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they sent true copyes of theoiy and kept y* originalls, 
least he should deney them, and that they might 
produce his owne hand against him. Amongst his let- 
ters they found y* coppyes of tow letters which he 
sent inclosed in a leter of his to M^ John Pember- 
ton, a minster, and a great opposite of theirs. These 
2. letters of which he tooke the coppyes were one of 
them write by a gentle-man in England to M^ Brewster 
here, the other by M'. Winslow to M'. Robinson, in 
Holand, at his coming away, as y^ ship lay at Gravs- 
end. They lying sealed in y* great cabin, (whilst 
M*". Winslow was bussie aboute the affairs of y* ship,) 
this slye marchante taks & opens them, taks these 
coppys, & seals them up againe; and not only sends 
the coppyes of them thus to his friend and their adver- 
sarie, but adds thertoo in y^ margente many scurrilous 
and flouting ahotations. This ship went out towards 
evirifjy and in the night y^ Gov'^ retured. They were 
somwaht blanke at it, but after some weeks, when 
they heard nothing, they then were as briske as ever, 
thinking nothing had been knowne, but all was gone 
currente, and that the Gov' went but to dispatch his 
owne letters. The reason why the Gov' & rest con- 
cealed these things the longer, was to let things ripen, 
that they [120] might y* better discover their intents 
and see who were their adherents. And y® rather 
because amongst y* rest they found a letter of one of 
their confederats, in w^** was writen that M'. Oldame 

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& M''. Lyford intended a reformation in church and 
commone wealth; and, as soone as the ship was gone, 
they intended to joyne togeather, and have the sacre- 
ments, &c. 

For Oldame, few of his leters were found, (for he 
was so bad a scribe as his hand was scarce legible,) 
yet he was as deepe in y^ mischeefe as the other. And 
thinking they were now strong enough, they begane 
to pick quarells at every thing. Oldame being called 
to watoh (according to order) refused to come, fell 
out with y* Capten, caled him raskell, and beggerly 
raskell, and resisted him, drew his knife at him; 
though he offered him no wrong, nor gave him no ille 
termes, but with all faimes required him to doe his 
duty. The Gov% hearing y* tumulte, sent to quiet it, 
but he ramped more like a furious beast then a man, 
and cald them all treatours, and rebells, and other 
such foule language as I am ashamed to remember; 
but after he was clapt up a while, he came to him 
selfe, and with some slight punishmente was let goe 
upon his behaviour for further censure. 

But to cutt things shorte, at length it grew to this 
esseue, that Lyford with his complicies, without ever 
speaking one word either to y® Gov*^, Church, or Elder, 
withdrewe them selves & set up a publick meeting 
aparte, on y* Lord's day; with sundry such insolente 
cariages, too long here to relate, begining now pub- 
likly to acte what privatly they had been long plotting. 

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210 HISTORY OF [book H. 

It was now thought high time (to prevent further 
mischeefe) to calle them to accounte; so y* Gov' 
called a courte and siumoned the whol company to 
appeare. And then charged Lyford & Oldom with 
such things as they were guilty of. But they were 
stiffe, & stood resolutly upon y^ deneyall of most 
things, and required proofe. They first alledged what 
was write to them out of England, compared with 
their doings & pactises hear; that it was evident they 
joyned in plotting against them, and disturbing their 
peace, both in respecte of their civill & church state, 
which was most injurious; for both they and all y* 
world knew they came hither to injoye y* libertie of 
their conscience and y^ free use of Gods ordinances; 
and for y' end had ventured their lives and passed 
throwgh so much hardshipe hithertoo, and they and 
their freinds had borne the charg of these beginings, 
which was not small. And that Lyford for his parte 
was sent over on this charge, and that both he and 
his great family was maintained on y^ same, and also 
was joyned to y* church, & a member of them; and 
for him to plote against them & seek their mine, 
was most unjust & perfidious. And for [121] Oldam 
or any other that came over at their owne charge, and 
were on ther perticuler, seeing they were received in 
curtesie by the plantation, when they came only to 

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like the Hedghogg whom y^ conny in a stormy day in 
pittie received into her borrow, would not be content 
to take part with her, but in the end with her sharp 
pricks forst the poore conny to forsake her owne bor^ 
row ; so these men with the like injustice indevored to 
doe y* same to thos that entertained them. 

Lyford denyed that he had any thing to doe with 
them in England, or knew of their courses, and made 
other things as strange that he was charged with. 
Then his letters were prodused & some of them read, 
at which he was struck mute. But Oldam begane to 
rage furiously, because they had intercepted and opened 
his letters, threatening them in very high language, 
and in a most audacious and mutinous maner stood up 
& caled upon y* people, saying, My maisters, wher is 
your harts? now shew your courage, you have oft 
complained to me so & so ; now is y® time, if you will 
doe any thing, I will stand by you, &c. Thinking y* 
every one (knowing his humor) that had soothed and 
flattered him, or other wise in their discontente uttered 
any thing unto him, would now side w^** him in open 
rebellion. But he was deceived, for not a man opened 
his mouth, but all were silent, being strucken with the 
injustice of y* thing. Then y® Gov' turned his speech 
to M'. Lyford, and asked him if he thought they had 
done evill to open his letters; but he was silente, & 

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212 msTORY OF [book n. 

a magistrate, and was bound to it by his place , to 
prevent y® mischeefe & ruine that this conspiracie and 
plots of theirs woald bring on this poor colony. But 
he, besids his evill dealing hear, had delte trecherusly 
with his freinds y* trusted him, & stole their letters 
& opened them, and sent coppies of them, with dis- 
gracefull afiotations, to his freinds in England. And 
then y* Gov' produced them and his other letters un- 
der his owne hand, (which he could not deney,) and 
caused them to be read before all y^ people ; at which 
all his freinds were blanke, and had not a word to say. 

It would be too long & tedious here to inserte his 
letters (which would almost fill a volume), though I 
have them by me. I shall only note a few of y* 
cheefe things collected out of them, with y^ answers 
to them as they were then given ; and but a few of 
those many, only for instance, by which the rest may 
be judged of. 

[121*] 1. First, he saith, the church would have 
none to live hear but them selves. 2*^. Neither are 
any willing so to doe if they had company to live els- 

Ans : Their answer was, that this was false, in both 
y* parts of it ; for they were willing & desirous y* any 
honest men may live with them, that will cary them 

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will not live els wher so long as they may live with 

2. That if ther come over any honest men that are 
not of y* seperation, they will quickly distast them, &c, 

A. Ther answer was as before, that it was a false 
callomniation, for they had many amongst them that 
they liked well of, and were glad of their company; 
and should be of any such like that should come 
amongst them. 

3. That they excepted against him for these 2. doc- 
trins raised from 2. Sam : 12. 7. First, that ministers 
must sume times perticulerly apply their doctrine to 
spetiall persons; 2^, that great men may be reproved 
as well as meaner. 

A. Their answer was, that both these were without 
either truth or colour of y* same (as was proved to 
his &ce), and that they had taught and beleeved these 
things long before they knew M"". Liford. 

4. That they utterly sought y® mine of y® perticu- 
lers; as appeareth by this, that they would not suffer 
any of y* generall either to buy or sell with them, or 
to exchaing one comoditie for another. 

Ans : This was a most malicious slander and voyd 
of all truth, as was evidently proved to him before all 
men ; for any of them did both buy, sell, or exchaing 

•j.i- j-i 

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214 msTOBY OP [book n. 

deney, but freely confest in open court. But y* 
gi'ound from whence this arose made it much worse, 
for he was in counsel! with them. When one was 
called before them, and questioned for receiving pow- 
der and bisket from y* guner of y* small ship, which 
was y® company s, and had it put in at his window in 
the night, and allso for buying salt of one, that had 
no right to it, he not only stood to back him (being 
one of these perticulers) by excusing & extenuating 
his falte, as long as he could, but upon this builds 
this mischeSous & most false slander: That because 
they would not suffer them to buy stolne goods, ergo, 
they sought their utter ruine. Bad logick for a devine. 

5. Next he writs, that he chocked them with this; 
that they turned [122] men into their perticuler, and 
then sought to starve them, and deprive them of all 
means of subsistance. 

A. To this was answered, he did them manifest 
wrong, for they turned none into their perticuler; it 
was their owne importunitie and emest desire that 
moved them, yea, constrained them to doe it. And 
they apealed to y® persons them selves for y® truth 
hereof. And they testified the same against him be- 
fore all present, as allso that they had no cause to 
complaine of any either hard or unkind usage. 

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but i^. And then (floutingly) saith, it seems some 
mens mouths and bellies are very litle & slender over 

Ans : This might seeme strange indeed to those to 
whom he write his leters in England, which knew not 
y® reason of it; but to him and others hear, it could 
not be strange, who knew how things stood. For the 
first comers had none at all, but lived on their come. 
Those w*'^ came in y* AnnCy y* August before^ & were 
to live 13. months of the provissions they brought, 
had as good alowance in meal & pease as it would 
extend too, y* most part of y® year; but a litle be- 
fore harvest, when they had not only fish, but other 
fruits began to come in, they had but 4*. having 
their libertie to make their owne provisions. But 
some of these which came last, as y^ ship carpenter, 
and samiers, the salte-men & others that were to fol- 
low constante imployments, and had not an bowers 
time, from their hard labours, to looke for any thing 
above their alowance; they had at first, 16" alowed 
them, and afterwards as fish, & other food coued be 
gott, they had as balemente, to 14. &. 12. yea some 
of them to 8. as the times & occasions did vary. And 
yet those which followed planting and their owne 
occasions, and had but 4". of meall a week, lived better 
then y® other, as was well knowne to all. And yet 
it must be remembered that Lyford & his had allwais 
the highest alowance. 

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216 HISTORY OP [book H. 

Many other things (in his letters) he accused them 
of, with many aggravations; as that he saw exseeding 
great wast of tools & vesseles; & this, when it came 
to be examened, all y® instance he could give was, that 
he had seen an old hogshed or too fallen to peeces, 
and a broken how or tow lefte carlesly in y* feilds by 
some. Though he also knew that a godly, honest man 
was appointed to looke to these things. But these 
things & such like was write of by him, to cast dis- 
grace & prejudice upon them ; as thinking what came 
from a [123] minister would pass for currente. Then 
he tells them that Winslow should say, that ther 
was not above 7. of y* adventurers y* souight y* 
good of y* coUony. That M"". Oldam & him selfe had 
had much to doe with them, and that y® faction here 
might match y* Jesuits for politie. With many y* like 
greevious complaints & accusations. 

1. Then, in the next place, he comes to give his 
freinds counsell and directtion. And first, that y* 
Leyden company (M'. Robinson & y* rest) must still 
be kepte back, or els all will be spoyled. And least 
any of them should be taken in privatly somewher on 
y* coast of England, (as it was feared might be done,) 
they must chaing the m"". of y* ship (M'. William 
Peirce), and put another allso in Winslows stead, for 
marchante, or els it would not be prevented. 

2. Then he would have such a number provided as 

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should have voyces in all courts & elections, and be 
free to bear any office. And that every perticuler 
should come over as an adventurer, if he be but a 
servante; some other venturing 10"., y* bill may be 
taken out in y® servants name, and then assigned to 
y* party whose money it was, and good covenants 
drawn betweene them for y* clearing of y* matter; 
and this (saith he) would be a means to strengthen 
this side y® more. 

3. Then he tells them that if that Capten they 
spoake of should come over hither as a generall, he 
was perswaded he would be chosen Capten; for this 
Captaine Standish looks like a silly boy, and is in 
utter contempte. 

4. Then he shows that if by y' forementioned 
means they cannot be strengthened to cary & over- 
bear things, it will be best for them to plant els 
wher by them selves ; and would have it artickled by 
them that they might make choyse of any place that 
they liked best within 3. or 4. myls distance, shew- 
ing ther were farr better places for plantation then 

5. And lastly he concluds, that if some number 
came not over to bear them up here, then ther would 
be no abiding for them, but by joyning with these 
hear. Then he adds : Since I begane to write, ther 
are letters come from your company, wherin they 
would give sole authoritie in diverce things unto the 

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218 HISTORY OP [book II. 

Gov' here; which, if it take place, then, Ve nobis. 
But I hope you will be more vigilante hereafter, that 
nothing may pass in such a maner. I suppose (saith 
he) M'. Oldame will write to you farther of these 
things. I pray you conceall me in the discovery of 
these things, &c. 

Thus I have breefly touched some cheefe things in 
his leters, and shall now retume to their procceeding 
with him. After the reading of his leters before the 
whole company, he was demanded what he could say 
to these things. [124] But all y* answer he made 
was, that Billington and some others had informed him 
of many things, and made sundrie complaints, which 
they now deneyed. He was againe asked if that was 
a suiGciente ground for him thus to accuse & traduse 
them by his letters, and never say word to them, con- 
sidering the many bonds betweene them. And so they 
went on from poynte to poynte; and wisht him, or 
any of his freinds & confederats, not to spare them in 
any thing; if he or they had any proofe or witnes 
of any corrupte or evill dealing of theirs, his or their 
evidence must needs be ther presente, for ther was 
the whole company and sundery strangers. He said 
he had been abused by others in their informations, (as 
he now well saw,) and so had abused them. And this 

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wronged them, and would have drawne them to such 
& such things which they could not consente too, 
though they were sometimes drawne to his meetings. 
Then they delte with him aboute his dissembling with 
them aboute y* church, and that he professed to concur 
with them in all things, and what a large confession 
he made at his admittance, and that he held not 
him selfe a minister till he had a new calling, &c. 
And yet now he contested against them, and drew a 
company aparte, & sequestred him selfe; and would 
goe minister the sacrements (by his Episcopall caling) 
without ever speaking a word unto them, either as 
magistrats or bretheren. In conclusion, he was fully 
convicted, and burst out into tears, and **confest he 
feared he was a reprobate, his sinns were so great 
that he doubted God would not pardon them, he was 
unsavorie salte, &c. ; and that he had so wronged 
them as he could never make them amends, con- 
fessing all he had write against them was false & 
nought, both for matter & maner.** And all this 
he did with as much fullnes as words & tears could 

After their triall & conviction, the court censured 
them to be expeld the place ; Oldame presently, though 
his wife & family had liberty to stay all winter, or 
longer, till he could make provission to remove them 
comfortably. Lyford had liberty to stay 6. months. 
It was, indeede, with some eye to his release, if he 

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220 rasTORY OF [book n. 

caried him selfe well in the meane time, and that his 
repentance proved sound. Lyford acknowledged his 
censure was farr less then he deserved. 

Afterwards, he confest his sin publikly in y* church, 
with tears more largly then before. I shall here put 
it downe as I find it recorded by some who tooke it 
from his owne words, as him selfe utered them. Ac- 
knowledging [125] **That he had don very evill, and 
slanderously abused them; and thinking most of y"" 
people would take parte with him, he thought to cary 
all by violence and strong hand against them. And 
that God might justly lay inocente blood to his 
charge, for he knew not what hurt might have come 
of these his writings, and blest Grod they were stayed. 
And that he spared not to take knowledg from any, 
of any evill that was spoaken, but shut his eyes & 
ears against all the good; and if God should make 
him a vacabund in y* earth, as was Caine, it was but 
just, for he had sined in envie & malice against his 
brethren as he did. And he confessed 3. things to be 
y* ground & causes of these his doings : pride, vaine- 
glorie, & selfe love.'' Amplifying these heads with 
many other sade expressions, in the perticulers of 

So as they begane againe to conceive good thoughts 
of him upon this his repentance, and admited him to 

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men amongst them, were so taken with his signes of 
sorrow & repentance, as they professed they would 
fall upon their knees to have his censure released. 

But that which made them all stand amased in the 
end, and may doe all others that shall come to hear 
y* same, (for a rarer president can scarse be showne,) 
was, that after a month or 2. notwithstand all his for- 
mer conffessions, convictions, and publick acknowledg- 
ments, both in y* face of y* church and whole company, 
with so many tears & sadde censures of him selfe be- 
fore God & men, he should goe againe to justifie what 
he had done. 

For secretly he write a 2''. leter to y* adventurers 
in England, in w""^ he justified all his former writings, 
(save in some things which tended to their damage,) 
the which, because it is brefer then y® former, I shall 
here inserte. 

Worthy S": Though the filth of mine owne doings may 
justly be cast in my face, and with blushing cause my per- 
petuall silence, yet that y* truth may not herby be injuried, 
your selves any longer deluded, nor injurious * dealing caried 
out still, with bould out facings, I have adventured once 
more to write unto you. Firest, I doe freely confess I delte 
very indiscreetly in some of my perticuler leters w*"** I wrote 
to private freinds, for y* courses in coming hither & the 
like ; which I doe in no sorte seeke to justifie, though stired 

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222 HISTORY OP [book n. 

others, both hear, & ther with you, for effecting their de- 
signes. But am hartily sory for it, and doe to y* glory 
of God & mine owne shame acknowledg it. Which leters 
being intercepted by the Gov*, I have for y* same under- 
gone y* censure [126] of banishmente. And had it not 
been for y* respecte I have unto you, and some other mat- 
ters of private regard, I had returned againe at this time by 
y* pinass for England; for hear I purpose not to abide, 
unless I receive better incouragmente from you, then from 
y* church (as they call them selves) here I doe receive. I 
purposed before I came, to undergoe hai-dnes, therfore I shall 
I hope cherfuUy bear y* conditions of y* place, though very 
mean ; and they have chainged my wages ten times all ready. 
I suppose my letters, or at least 3^ coppies of them, are 
come to your hands, for so they hear reporte; which, if it 
be so, I pray you take notice of this, that I have writen 
nothing but what is certainly true, and I could make so 
apeare planly to any indifferente men, whatsoever colours 
be cast to darken y* truth, and some ther are very audatious 
this way ; besids many other matters which are farre out of 
order hear. My mind was not to enlarge my selfe any fur- 
ther, but in respecte of divei'se poore souls here, y* care of 
whom in parte belongs to you, being here destitute of the 
meas of salvation. For how so ever y* church are provided 
for, to their contente, who are y* smalest number in y* coU- 
ony, and doe so appropriate y* ministrie to them selves, 
houlding this principle, that y^ Lord hath not appointed any 
ordinary ministrie for y* convereion of those y* are without, 
so y* some of y* poor souls have w*** tears complained of this 
to me, and I was taxed for preaching to all in generall. 
Though in truth they have had no ministrie here since they 
came, but such as mav be performed bv anv of vou, bv their 

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But I ezceede 3^* bounds I set my selfe, therfore resting 
thus, until! I hear further from you, so it be within 3^* time 
limited me. I rest, &c., 

Remaining yours ever, 

John Ltford, Exille. 
Dated Aug: 22. An^• 1624. 

They made a breefe answer to some things in this 
leter, but referred cheefly to their former. The effecte 
was to this purpose : That if God in his providence 
had not brought these things to their hands (both y^ 
former & later), they might have been thus abused, 
tradused, and calumniated, overthrowne, & undone; and 
never have knowne by whom, nor for what. They 
desired but this equall favoure, that they would be 
pleased to hear their just defence, as well as his accu- 
sations, and waigh them in y* balance of justice & 
reason, and then censure as they pleased. They had 
write breefly to y* heads of things before, and should 
be ready to give further [127 J answer as any occasion 
should require; craving leave to adde a word or tow 
to this last. 

1. And first, they desire to examene what filth 
that was y* he acknowledgeth might justly be throwne 
in his face, and might cause blushing & perpetuall 
silence ; some great mater sure I But if it be looked 
into, it amounts to no more then a poynte of indiscre- 
tion, and thats all; and yet he licks of y* too with 
this excuse, that he was stired up therunto by behold- 

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224 HISTORY or [book n. 

ing y* indirecte course here. But this point never 
troubled him here, it .was counted a light matter both 
by him & his freinds, and put of with this, — that 
any man might doe so, to advise his private freinds 
to come over for their best advantage. All his sor- 
row & tears here was for y* wrong & hurt he had 
done us, and not at all for this he pretends to be done 
to you : it was not counted so much as indiscretion. 
2. Having thus payed you full satisfaction, he 
thinks he may lay load of us here. And first com- 
plains that we have changed his wages ten times. 
We never agreed with him for any wages, nor made 
any bargen at all with him, neither know of any 
that you have made. You sent him over to teach 
amongst us, and desired he might be kindly used; 
and more then this we know not. That he hath 
beene kindly used, (and farr beter then he deserves 
from us,) he shall be judged first of his owne 
mouth. If you please to looke upon that writing 
of his, that was sent you amongst his leters, which 
he cals a generall relation, in which, though he doth 
otherwise traduse us, yet in this he him selfe clears 
us. In y* latter end therof he hath these words. 
/ y^edk not this (saith he) out of any iU affection to 
the men^ for I have found them very hind & loving 
to me. You may ther see these to be his owne 

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out of y* store for him and his then any, and 
clothing as his neede hath required; a dwelling in 
one of oar best houses, and a man wholy at his 
owne comand to tend his private affairs. What 
cause he hath therfore to complaine, judge ye; and 
what he means in his speech we know not, except 
he aluds to y* of Jaacob & Laban. If you have 
promised him more or other wise, you may doe it 
when you please. 

3. Then with an impudente face he would have 
you take notice, that (in his leters) he hath write 
nothing but what is certainly true, yea, and he could 
make it so appeare plainly to any indifferente men. 
This indeed doth astonish us and causeth us to 
tremble at y® deceitfullnes [128] and desperate wick- 
ednes of mans harte. This is to devoure holy things, 
and after voues to enquire. It is admirable that 
after such publick confession, find acknowledgmente 
in court, in church, before God, & men, with such 
sadd expressions as he used, and with such melting 
into teares, that after all this he shoud now justifie 
ail againe. If things had bene done in a comer, it 
had been some thinge to deney them; but being done 
in y® open view of y® cuntrie & before all men, it is 
more then strange now to avow to make them plainly 
appear to any indifferente men; and here wher things 
were done, and all y** evidence that could be were 
presente, and yet could make nothing appear, but even 

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226 msTORT OF [book n. 

his freinds oondemnd him & gave their yoyoe to his 
censure, so grose were they; we leave your selves 
to judge herein. Yet least this man should triumph 
in his wikednes, we shall be ready to answer him, 
when, or wher you will, to any thing he shall lay to 
our charg, though we have done it sufficiently allready. 

4. Then he saith he would not inlarge, but for 
some poore souls here who are destiute of y* means 
of salvation, &c. But all his soothing is but that 
you would use means, that his censure might be 
released that he might here continue; and under 
you (at least) be sheltered, till he sees what his 
freinds (on whom he depends) can bring about & 
effecte. For such men pretend much for poor souls, 
but they will looke to their wages & conditions; if 
that be not to their content, let poor souls doe what 
they will, they will shift for them selves, and seek 
poore souls some wher els among richer bodys. 

Next he fals upon y® church, that indeed is y* 
burthensome stone that troubls him. First, he saith 
they hold this principle, that the Lord hath not 
apointed any ordinarie ministrie for y® converssion of 
those without. The church needs not be ashamed of 
what she houlds in this, haveing Gods word for her 

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Bat he perverts y* trath in this as in other things, 
for y* Lord hath as well appoynted them to con- 
yerte, as to feede in their seyerall charges; and he 
wrongs y* charch to say other wise. Againe, he 
saith he was taxed for preaching to all in gen- 
erall. This is a meere antruth, for this dissembler 
knows that every Lords day some are appointed to 
visite suspected places, & if any be found idling and 
neglecte y* hearing of y* word, (through idlnes or 
profanes,) they are punished for y* same. Now to 
procure all to come to hear, and then to blame him 
for preaching to all, were to play y* mad men. 

[129] 6. Next (he saith) they have had no min- 
istrie since they came, what soever pretences they 
make, Ac. We answer, the more is our wrong, that 
our pastor is kept from us by these mens means, 
and then reproach us for it when they have done. 
Yet have we not been wholy distitute of y* means of 
salvation, as this man would make y* world beleeve; 
for our reve"* Elder hath laboured diligently in dis- 
pencing the word of God unto us, before he came ; 
and since hath taken equalle pains with him selfe 
in preaching the same; and, be it spoaken without 
ostentation, he is not inferriour to M'. Lyford (& 
some of his betters) either in gifts or laming, 

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228 HISTORY or [bookd. 

him selfe; what y* church houlds, they have mani- 
fested to y^ world, in all plaines, both in open 
confession, doctrine, & writing. 

This was y* su|ne of ther answer, and hear I will 
let them rest for y* presente. I have bene longer 
in these things then I desired, and yet not so long 
as the things might require, for I pass many things 
in silence, and many more deserve to have been 
more largly handled. But I will retume to other 
things, and leave y® rest to its place. 

The pinass that was left sunck & cast away near 
Damarins-cove, as is before showed, some of y* fish- 
ing maisters said it was a pity so fine a vessell 
should be lost, and sent them word that, if they 
would be at y* cost, they would both directe them 
how to waygh her, and let them have their car- 
penters to mend her. They thanked them, & sente 
men aboute it, and beaver to defray y* charge, 
(without which all had been in vaine). So they gott 
coopers to trime, I know not how many tune of 
cask, and being made tight and fastened to her at 
low-water, they boyed her up; and then with many 
hands hald her on shore in a conveniente place wher 
she might be wrought upon; and then hired sundrie 

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and when before she lost her mast; so as she proved 
a chargable vessell to y* poor plantation. So they 
sent h6r home, and with her Lyford sent his last 
letter, in great secrecie; but y* party intmsted with 
it gave it y* Gov'. 

The winter was passed over in ther ordinarie 
affairs, without any spetiall mater worth noteing; 
saveing that many who before stood something of 
from y church, now seeing Lyfords unrighteous deal- 
ing, and malignitie against y* church, now tendered 
them selves to y* church, and were joyued to y^ 
same; proffessing that it was not out of y® dislike 
of any thing that they had stood of so long, but a 
desire to fitte them selves beter for such a state, and 
they saw now y* Lord cald for their help. [130] 
And so these troubls prodused a quite contrary efiecte 
in sundrie hear, then these adversaries hoped for. 
Which was looked at as a great worke of God, to 
draw on men by unlickly means; and that in reason 
which might rather have set them further of. And 
thus I shall end this year. 

Anno Dom: 1625. 
At y* spring of y® year, about y* time of their 
Election Court, Oldam came againe amongst them ; and 
though it was a part of his censure for his former 
mutiny e and miscariage, not to retume without leave 
first obtained, yet in his dareing spirite, he presumed 

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without any leave at all, being also set on & hardened 
by y* ill coonsell of others. And not only so, but 
suffered his unruly passion to rune beyond jT limits 
of all reason and modestie; in so much that some 
strangers which came with him were ashamed of his 
outrage, and rebuked him; but all reprofes were but 
as oyle to y® fire, and made y® flame of his coUer 
greater. He caled them all to nought, in this his 
mad fiirie, and a hundred rebells and traytors, and 
I know not what. But in conclusion they comited 
him till he was tamer, and then apointed a gard of 
musketers w*^** he was to pass throw, and ever one 
was ordered to give him a thump on y* brich, with 
y* but end of his musket, and then was conveied to 
y* water side, wher a boat was ready to cary him 
away. Then they bid him goe & mende his maners. 

Whilst this was a doing, M'. William Peirce and 
M'. Winslow came up from y® water side, being come 
from England; but they were so busie with Oldam, 
as they never saw them till they came thus upon 
them. They bid them not spare either him or Liford, 
for they had played y* vilans with them. But that I 
may hear make an end with him, I shall hear once 
for all relate what befell concerning him in y** future, 
& y* breefly. After y® removall of his familie from 
hence, he fell into some straits, (as some others did,) 
and aboute a year or more afterwards, towards win- 
ter, he intended a vioage for Virginia; but it so 

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pleased God that j* barke that caned him, and many 
other passengers, was in that danger, as they dis- 
paired of life; so as many of them, as they fell to 
prayer, so also did they begine to examine their con- 
sciences [131] and confess such sins as did most 
burthen them. And M^ Ouldame did make a free 
and large confession of y^ wrongs and hurt he had 
done to y* people and church here, in many pertic- 
ulers, that as he had sought their mine, so God had 
now nfttte with him and might destroy him ; yea, he 
feared they all fared y* worce for his sake ; he prayed 
God to forgive him, and made vowes that, if y® Lord 
spard his life, he would become otherwise, and y* 
like. This I had from some of good credite, yet 
living in y* Bay, and were them selves partners in 
the same dangers on y* shoulds of Cap-Codd, and 
heard it from his owne mouth. It pleased God to 
spare their lives, though they lost their viage; and 
in time after wards, Ouldam caried him selfe fairly 
towards them, and acknowledged y* hand of God to 
be with them, and seemed to have an honourable 
respecte of them; and so farr made his peace with 
them, as he in after time had libertie to goe and 
come, and converse with them, at his pleasure. He 
went after this to Virginia, and had ther a great sick- 

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y* Indians, and being weakly mand, upon 

>11 they knockt him on y* head with a 

as he fell downe dead, & never spake 

2. litle boys that were his kinsmen were 

bad some hurte, and y® vessell was strangly 

rom y« Indeans by another that belonged 

of Massachusets ; and this his death was 

of the Pequente warr which followed. 

w come to M'. Lyford. His time being 

i, his censure was to take place. He was 

Dm answering their hopes by amendmente 

, as he had dubled his evill, as is before 

it first behold y* hand of God conceiring 

n that of y® Psalmist is verified. Psa: 

3 hath made a pitte, & digged it, and is 

the pitte he made. He thought to bring 

disgrace upon them, but in stead therof 

owne to all y* world. For when he was 

all aboute his second letter, his wife was 

with his doings, as she could no longer 

Br greefe and sorrow of minde, but opens 

one of their deacons & some other of her 

after uttered y** same to M'. Peirce upon 

Which was to this purpose, that she 

e great judgment of God would fall upon 

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defiled other women ; or some shach like [132] judg- 
mente, as Ood had threatened David, 2. Sam. 12. 11. 
I will raise up evill against y*, and will take thy 
wives & give them, &c. And upon it showed how 
he had wronged her, as first he had a bastard by 
another before they were maried, & she having some 
inkling of some ill oariage that way, when he was 
a suitor to her, she tould him what she heard, 
& deneyd him; but she not certainly knowing y^ 
tiling, other wise then by some darke & secrete mut- 
erings, he not only stifly denied it, but to satisfie 
her tooke a solemne oath ther was no shuch matter. 
Upon which she gave consente, and maried with him ; 
but afterwards it was found true, and y* bastard 
brought home to them. She then charged him with 
his oath, but he prayed pardon, and said he should 
els not have had her. And yet afterwards she could 
keep no maids but he would be medling with them, 
and some time she hath taken him in y^ maner, as 
they lay at their beds feete, with shuch other cir- 
cumstances as I am ashamed to relate. The woman 
being a grave matron, & of good cariage all y® while 
she was hear, and spoake these things out of y® sor- 
row of her harte, sparingly, and yet w^** some further 
intimations. And that which did most seeme to 
afiecte her (as they conceived) was, to see his for- 

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234 HISTORY OF [book II. 

tears, and using great & sade expressions, and yet 
efbsone fall into the like things. 

Another thing of y^ same natare did strangly oon- 
corr herewith. When M'. Winslow & M'. Peirce were 
come over, M*". Winslow informed them that they had 
had y* like bickering with Lyfords freinds in England, 
as they had with him selfe and his freinds hear, 
aboute his letters & accusations in them. And many 
meetings and much clamour was made by his freinds 
theraboute, crying out, a minister, a man so godly, to 
be so esteemed & taxed they held a great skandale, 
and threated to prosecute law against them for it. 
But things being referred to a further meeting of most 
of y* adventurers, to heare y* case and decide y* mat- 
ters, they agreed to chose 2. eminente men for mod- 
erators in the bussines. Lyfords faction chose M'. 
White, a counselor at law, the other parte chose Re^e*. 
M'. Hooker, y* minister, and many freinds on both 
sids were brought in, so as ther was a great assemblie. 
In y^ mean time, God in his providence had detected 
Lyford's evill cariage in Ireland to some freinds amongst 
y*^ company, who made it knowne to M^ Winslow, and 
directed him to 2. godly and grave witnesses, who would 
testifie y® same (if caled therunto) upon their oath. 
The thing was this ; he being gott into Ireland, had 
wound him selfe into y* esteeme of sundry godly & 
zelous professours in those parts, who, having been 
burthened with y® ceremonies in England, found ther 

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some more liberty to their consciences ; amongst whom 
were these 2. men, which gave [133] this evidence. 
Amongst y* rest of his hearers, ther was a godly yonge 
man that intended to marie, and cast his affection on 
a maide which lived their aboute ; but desiring to chose 
in y* Lord, and preferred y* fear of God before all 
other things, before he suffered his affection to rune too 
farr, he resolved to take M'. Lyfords advise and judg- 
mente of this maide, (being y* minister of y* place,) 
and so broak y® matter unto him; & he promised 
faithfully to informe him, but would first take better 
knowledg of her, and have private conferance with her ; 
and so had sundry times ; and in conclusion comended 
her highly to y® yong man as a very fitte wife for him. 
So they were marled togeather; but some time after 
manage the woman was much troubled in mind, and 
afflicted in conscience, and did nothing but weepe and 
moume, and long it was before her husband could get 
of her what was y* cause. But at length she dis- 
covered y* thing, and prayed him to forgive her, for 
Lyford had overcome her, and defiled her body before 
marriage, after he had comended him unto her for 
a husband, and she resolved to have him, when he 
came to her in that private way. The circumstances 
I forbear, for they would offend chast ears to hear 
them related, (for though he satisfied his lust on her, 
yet he indeaoured to hinder conception.) These things 
being thus discovered, y^ wom&s husband tooke some 

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236 HISTORY OF [book II. 

rodly freinds with him, to deale with Liford for this 
mil. At length he confest it, with a great deale of 
seeming sorrow & repentance, bat was forct to leave 
[rland upon it, partly for shame, and partly for fear 
)f farther panisbmente, for y* godly withdrew them 
(elves from him upon it; and so coming into England 
mhapily he was light upon & sente hither. 

But in this great assembly, and before y* moderators, 
n handling y* former matters aboute y* letters, upon 
)rovocation, in some heate of replie to some of Lyfords 
lefenders, M'. Winslow let fall these words. That he 
lad dclte knavishly; upon which on of his freinds 
ooke hold, & caled for witneses, that he cald a minister 
)f y* gospell knave, and would prosecute law upon it, 
vhich made a great tumulte, upon which (to be shorte) 
his matter broke out, and the witnes were prodused, 
vhose persons were so grave, and evidence so plaine, 
ind y* facte so foule, yet delivered in such modest 
h chast terms, and with such circumstances, as strucke 
ill his freinds mute, and made them all ashamed ; inso- 
nuch as y® moderators with great gravitie declared 
hat y* former matters gave them cause enough to 
efase him & to deal with him as they had done, but 
hese made him unmeete for ever to bear ministrie any 
Qore, what repentance soever he should pretend ; with 
nuch more to like effecte, and so wisht his freinds to 

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y* Massachusets, with some other of his freinds with 
him, wher Oldom allso lived. From thence he removed 
to Namkeke, since called Salem; but after ther came 
some people over, wheather for hope of greater pro6te, 
or what ends els I know not, he left his freinds that 
followed him, and went from thence to Virginia, wher 
he shortly after dyed, and so I leave him to y* Lord. 
His wife afterwards returned againe to this cuntry, and 
thus much of this matter. 

[134] This storme being thus blowne over, yet sun- 
drie sad effects followed y* same; for the Company 
of Adventurers broake in peeces here upon, and y* 
greatest parte wholy deserted y* colony in regarde of 
any further supply, or care of their subsistance. And 
not only so, but some of Ly fords & Oldoms freinds, 
and their adherents, set out a shipe on fishing, on 
their owne accounte, and getting y* starte of y* ships 
that came to the plantation, they tooko away their 
stage, & other necessary provisions that they had made 
for fishing at Cap- Anne y* year before, at their great 
charge, and would not restore y® same, excepte they 
would fight for it. But y® Gov' sent some of y* planters 
to help y^ fisher men to build a new one, and so let 
them keepe it. This shipe also brought them some 
small supply, of little value; but they made so pore 
a bussines of their fishing, (neither could these men 
make them any returne for y® supply sente,) so as, after 
this year, they never looked more after them. 

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80 bj this ship, they, some of them, sent (in y* 
I of y* rest) certaine reasons of their breaking of 
y^ plantation, and some tenders, upon certaine con- 
as, of reuniting againe. The which because they 
>nge & tedious, and most of them aboute the former 
s already touched, I shall omite them; only give- 
in instance in one, or tow. 1. reason, they charged 

for dissembling with his majestic in their petition, 
tvith y* adventurers about y* French discipline, &c. 
!br receiving* a manf into their church, that in 
onffession renownced all, universall, nationall, and 
ssan churches, &c., by which (say they) it appears, 
though they deney the name of Browists, yet they 
iss y* same, &c. And therfore they should sine 
st God in building up such a people, 
en they adder Our dislikes thus laid downe, that 
lay goe on in trade w*^ better contente & credite, 
desires are as followeth. First, that as we are 
lers in trade, so we may be in Gov'^ ther, as the 
ite doth give us power, &c. 

That the French discipline may be practised in the 
ation, as well in the circumstances theirof, as in y* 
ance ; wherby y^ scandallous name of y® Brownists, 
:>ther church differences, may be taken away. 

Lastly, that M'. Robinson and his company may 

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will reconcile themselves to our church by a recantation 
under their hands, &c. 

Their answer in part to these things was then as 

Wheras you taxe us for dissembling with his majestie A 
y* adventurers aboute y^ French discipline, you doe us wrong, 
for we both hold & practice y* discipline of y* French A other 
refonned churches, (as they have published y* same in y* 
Harmony of Confessions,) according to our means, in effecte 
& substance. But wheras you would tye us to the French 
discipline in every circumstance, you derogate from y* libertie 
we have in Christ Jesus. The Apostle Paule would have 
none to follow him in any thing but wherin he follows Christ, 
much less ought any Christian or church in y* world to doe 
it. The French may erre, we may erre, and other churches 
may erre, and doubtless doe in many circumstances. That 
honour therfore belongs only to y* infallible word of God, 
and pure Testamente of Christ, to be propounded and fol- 
lowed as y* only mle and pattern for direction herin to all 
churches & Christians. And it is too great arrogancie for 
any man, or church [135] to thinke y* he or they have so 
Bounded y* word of God to y* bottome, as precislie to sett 
downe y* churches discipline, without error in substance or 
circumstance, as y' no other without blame may digress or 
differ in any thing from y* same. And it is not difficulte to 
shew, y* the reformed churches differ in many circumstances 
amongest them selves. 

The rest I omitte, for brevities sake, and so leave to 
prosecute these men or their doings any further, but 

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240 HISTORY OF [book II. 

of their letters as followeth ; for I thinke it best to ren- 
der their minds in ther owne words. 

To our loving freinds, &c. 

Though the thing we feared be come upon us, and y* evill 
we strove against have overtaken us, yet we cannot forgett 
you, nor our freindship and fellowship which togeather we 
have had some years; wherin though our expressions have 
been small, yet our harty affections towards you (unknown 
by face) have been no less then to our nearest freinds, yea, 
to our owne selves. And though this your freind M'. Wins- 
low can tell you y* state of things hear, yet least we should 
seeme to neglecte you, to whom, by a wonderfull providence 
of God, we are so nearly united, we have thought good once 
more to write unto you, to let you know what is here befallen, 
and y* resons of it ; as also our purposes & desirs toward you 
for hereafter. 

The former course for the genei-alitie here is wholy dis- 
solved from what it was ; and wheras you & we were for- 
merly sharers and partners, in all viages & deallings, this way 
is now no more, but you and we are left to bethinke our 
sellves what course to take in y® future, that your lives & 
our monies be not lost. 

The reasons and causes of this allteration have been these. 
First and mainly, y® many losses and crosses at sea, and 
abuses of sea-men, w*** have caused us to rune into so much 
charge, debts, & ingagements, as our estats & means were 
not able to goe on without impoverishing our selves, except 
our estats had been greater, and our associats cloven beter 
unto us. 2'^, as here hath been a faction and sidinsr amonsst 

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swaded the maine cause of this their doing is wante of 
money, (for neede wherof men use to make many excuses,) 
yet other things are pretended, as that you are Browuists, 
&c. Now what use you or we ought to make of these things, 
it remaineth to be considered, for we know y* hand of God to 
be in all these things, and no doubt he would admonish some 
thing therby, and to looke what is amise. And allthough it 
be now too late for us or you to prevent & stay these things, 
yet it is* not to late to exercise patience, wisdom, and con- 
science in bearing them, and in caring our selves in & under 
them for y* time to come. 

[136] And as we our selves stand ready to imbrace all 
occasions that may tend to y* furthrance of so hopefuU a 
work, rather admiring of what is, then grudging for what is 
not; so it must rest in you to make all good againe. And 
if in nothing else you can be approved, yet let your honestie 
& conscience be still approved, & lose not one jote of you' 
innocencie, amids your crosses & afflictions. And surly if 
you upon this allteration behave your selves wisly, and goe 
on fairly, as men whose hope is not in this life, you shall 
need no other weapon to wound your adversaries ; for when 
your righteousnes is revealled as y* light, they shall cover 
their faces with shame, that causlesly have sought your over- 

Now we thinke it but reason, that all such things as ther 
apertaine to the generall, be kept & preserved togeather, and 
rather increased dayly, then any way be dispersed or imbeseled 
away for any private ends or intents whatsoever. And after 
your necessities are served, you gather togeather such coinodi- 
ties as y* cuntrie yeelds, & send them over to pay debts & 
clear ingagements hear, which are not less then 1400". And 
we hope you will doe your best to free our ingagements, &c. 
Let us all indeavor to keep a faire & honest course, and see 

• hit not in the MS. 

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242 HiSTORT or [book n. 

what time will bring forth, and how God in his providence 
will worke for us. We still are perswaded yon are y* people 
that mnst make a plantation in those remoate places when all 
others faile and retnme. And yonr experience of Grods provi- 
dence and preservation of you is such as we hope your harts 
will not faile you, though your freinds should forsake you 
(which we our selves shall not doe whilst we live, so long 
as your honestie so well appereth). Yet surly help would 
arise from some other place whilst you waite on God, with 
nprightnes, though we should leave you allso. 

And lastly be you all intreated to walke circumspectly, and 
carry your selves so uprightly in all your ways, as y* no man 
may make just exceptions against you. And more espetially 
that y* favour and countenance of God may be so toward you, 
as y* you may find abundante joye & peace even amids tribu- 
lations, that you may say with David, Though my father & 
mother should forsake me, yet y* Lord would take me up. 

We have sent you hear some catle, cloath, hose, shoes, 
leather, ^., but in another nature then formerly, as it stood 
us in hand to doe; we have comitted them to y^ charge 
& custody of M'. Allerton and M'. Winslow, as our factours, 
at whose discretion they are to be sould, and comodities to 
be taken for them, as is fitting. And by how much y* more 
they will be chargable unto you, the better* they had need to 
be husbanded, &c. Goe on, good freinds, comfoi*tably, pluck 
up your spirits, and quitte your selves like men in all your 
difficulties, that notwithstanding all displeasure and threats of 
men, yet y* work may goe on you are aboute, and not be 
neglected. Which is so much for y* glorie of God, and the 
furthrance of our countrie-men, as that a man may with 

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yoo all, and barty prayers for yoa all, we loyingly take our 
leaves, this 18. of Des: 1624. 

Your assured freinds to our powers, 

J. S. W. C. T. F. R. H. Ac. 

By this leter it appears in what state y^ affairs of y* 
plantation stood at this time. These goods they bought, 
bat they Were at deare rates, for they pat 40. in y^ hun- 
dred apon them, for profite and adventure, outward 
bound; and because of y* vnture of y* paiment home- 
ward, they would have 30.* in y* 100. more, which was 
in all 70. p'. cent ; a thing thought unreasonable by some, 
and too great an oppression upon y® poore people, as their 
case stood. The catle were y* best goods> for y* other 
being ventured ware, were neither at y* best (some of 
them) nor at y* best prises. Sundrie of their freinds 
disliked these high rates, but coming from many hands, 
they could not help it. 

They sent over also 2. ships on fishing on their owne 
acounte ; the one was y^ pinass that was cast away y^ last 
year hear in y* cuntrie, and recovered by y® planters, (as 
was before related,) who, after she came home, was at- 
tached by one of y* company for his perticuler debte, and 
now sent againe on this accounte. The other was a great 
ship, who was well fitted with an experienced m*". & com- 

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244 HISTORY 'of [book II. 

to load with cor-fish, and to bring the beaver home for 
England, y* should be received for y* goods soald to y* 
plantation. This bigger ship made a great viage of good 
drie fish, the which, if they had gone to a market w"*, 
would have yeelded them (as such fish was sould y* 
season) 1800**. which would have enriched them. But 
because ther was a bruite of warr with France, y* m'. 
neglected (through timerousnes) his order, and put first 
into Plimoth, & after into Portsmouth, and so lost their 
opportunitie, and came by the loss. The lesser ship had 
as ill success, though she was as hopfuU as y^ other for 
y* marchants profite ; for they had fild her with goodly 
cor-fish taken upon y*" banke, as full as she could swime ; 
and besids she had some 800**. weaight of beaver, besids 
other furrs to a good value from y* plantation. The m'. 
seeing so much goods come, put it abord y** biger ship, 
for more saftie ; but M'. Winslow (their factor in this 
busines) was bound in a bond of 500**. to send it to Lon- 
don in y* smale ship ; ther was some contending between 
y* m^ & him aboute it. But he tould y® m^ he would 
follow his order aboute it ; if he would take it out after- 
ward, it should be at his perill. So it went in y* smale 
ship, and he sent bills of lading in both. The m'. was 
so carfuU being both so well laden, as they went joytully 
home togeather, for he towed y* leser ship at his steme 
all y® way over bound, and they had such fayr weather 
as he never cast her of till they were shott deep in to 
y* English Chanell, almost within y* sight of Plimoth; 

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and yet th^r she was unhaply taken by a Turks man 
of warr, and carried into Saly, wher y® m'. and men 
were made slaves, and many of y^ beaver skins were 
sould for 4** a peece. [138] Thus was all their hops 
dasht, and the joyfull news they ment to cary home 
turned to heavie tidings. Some thought this a hand of 
God for their too great exaction of y*^ poore plantation, 
but Gods judgments are unseerchable, neither dare I be 
bould therwith ; but however it shows us y® uncertainty 
of all humane things, and what litle cause ther is of 
joying in them or trusting to them. 

In y* bigger of these sHips was sent over Captine Stan- 
dish fh)m y® plantation, w'*" leters & instructions, both 
to their freinds of y* company which still clave to them, 
and also to y* Honourable Counsell of New-England. 
To y® company to desire y* seeing that they ment only 
to let them have goods upon sale, that they might have 
them upon easier termes, for they should never be able 
to bear such high intrest, or to allow so much per cent ; 
also that what they would doe in y^ way that it might 
be disburst in money, or such goods^ as were fitte and 
needfull for them, & bought at best hand; and to 
aquainte them with y* contents of his leters to y® Counsell 
above said, which was to this purpose, to desire their 
favour & help ; that such of y° adventurers as had thus 
forsaken & deserted them, might be brought to some 
order, and not to keepe them bound, and them selves be 
free. But that they might either stand to ther former 

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246 insTORY OP [book n. 

covenants, or ells come to some fiEure end, by dividente, 
or composition. But he came in a very bad time, for 
y* Stat was full of trouble, and y* plague very bote in 
London, so as no bussines could be done ; yet he spake 
with some of y^ Honourd Counsell, who promised all 
helpfuUnes to y^ plantation which lay in them. And 
sundrie of their freinds y* adventurers were so weakened 
with their losses y* last year, by y* losse of y* ship 
taken by the Turks, and y* loss of their fish, w^ by rea- 
son of y* warrs they were forcte to land at Portsmouth, 
and so came to litle; so as, though their wills were 
good, yet they' power was litle. And ther dyed such 
multituds weekly of y*" plague, as all trade was dead, 
and litle money stirring. Yet with nmch adooe he 
tooke up 150''.-(& spent a good deal of it in expences) 
at 50. per cent, which he bestowed in trading goods 
& such other most needfuU comodities as he knew 
requiset for their use; and so returned passenger in 
a fhishing ship, haveing prepared a good way for y* 
compossition that was afterward made. 

In y* mean time it pleased y* Lord to give y* plan- 
tation peace and health and contented minds, and so to 
blese ther labours, as they had come sufficient, (and 
some to spare to others,) with other foode; neither ever 
had they any supply of foode but what they first brought 
with them. After harvest this year, they sende out 

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2. shalops which their carpenter had built them y® year 
before; for bigger vesaell had they none. They had 
laid a litle deck over her midships to keepe y^ come 
drie, bat y* men were faine to stand it out all weathers 
without shelter; and y* time [139] of y* year begins to 
growe tempestious. But God preserved them, and gave 
them good success, for they brought home 700". of beaver, 
besids some other Airrs, having litle or nothing els but 
this come, which them selves had raised out of y* earth. 
This viage was made by M'. Winslow & some of y* old 
standards,* for seamen they had none* 

Anno Dom: 1626* 
About y* begining of Aprill they heard of Captain 
Standish his arrivall, and sent a boat to fetch him home, 
and y^ things he had brought. Welcome he was, but 
y® news he broughte was sadd in many regards; not 
only in regarde of the former losses, before related, 
which their freinds had suffered, by which some in a 
maner were undon, others much disabled from doing 
any further help, and some dead of y^ plague, but also 
y* M'. Bobinson, their pastor, was dead, which struck 
them with much sorrow & sadnes, as they had cause. 
His and their adversaries had been long & continually 
plotting how they might hinder his coming hither, but 
y^ Lord had appointed him a better place; concerning 

• First written as in the text, then altered to tUmdtnt. 

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248 HISTORY OP [book II. 

whose death & the maner therof, it will appere by these 
few lines write to y* Gov' & M'. Brewster. 

Loving & kind frinds, &c. I know not wliether this will 
ever come to your hands, or miscarie, as other my letters have 
done ; yet in regard of y* Lords dealing with us hear, I have 
had a great desire to write unto j'ou, knowing your desire to 
bear a parte with us, both in our joyes, & sorrows, as we doe 
w*"* you. These are therfore to give you to understand, that 
it hath pleased the Lord to take out of this vaell of tears, 
your and our loving & f aithfuU pastor, and my dear & Reve"* 
brother, M'. John Robinson, who was sick some 8. days. He 
begane to be sick on Saturday in y* morning, yet y* next day 
(being the Lords day) he taught us twise. And so y" weeke 
after grew weaker, every day more then other; yet he felt 
no paine but weaknes all y^ time of his sicknes. The phisick 
he tooke wrought kindly in mans judgmente, but he grew 
weaker every day, feeling litle or no paine, and sensible to 
y* very last. He fell sicke y* 22. of Feb : and departed this 
life y* 1. of March. He had a continuall inwai*de ague, but 
free from infection, so y' all his freinds came freely to him. 
And if either prayers, tears, or means, would have saved his 
life, he had not gone hence, hut he having faithfully finished 
his course, and performed his worke which y' Lord had 
appointed him here to doe, he now resteth with y" Lord in 
eternall hapines. We wanting him & all Church Gov", 
yet we still (by y* mercie of God) continue & hould close 
togeather, in peace and quietnea; and so hope we shall doe, 
though we be very weake. Wishing (if such were y* will of 
God) that you & we were againe united togeather in one, 
either ther or here ; but seeing it is y® will of y* Lord thus 

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lost oar old king James, who departed this life aboute a 
month agoe, so here they have lost y* old prince, Grave 
Monrise ; who both departed this life since my brother. Robin- 
son. And as in England we have a new-king Charls, of 
whom ther is great hope, so hear they have made prince 
Hendrick Generall in his brothers place, &c Thus with my 
love remembred, I take leave & rest. 

Your assured loving freind, 

Roger WnrrB. 
Leyden, Aprill 28. 
An*: 1625. 

Thus these too great princes, and their pastor, left this 
world near aboute one time. Death maks no difference. 

He further brought them notice of y death of their 
anciente freind, M^ Cush-man, whom y® Lord tooke 
away allso this year, & aboute this time, who was as their 
right hand with their fi'einds y"" adventurers, and for 
diverce years had done & agitated all their bussines with 
them to ther great advantage. He had write to y* Gove' 
but some few months before, of y* sore sicknes of M'. 
James Sherley, who was a cheefe freind to y* plantation, 
and lay at y* pointe of death, declaring his love & help- 
fullnes, in all things ; and much bemoned the loss they 
should have of him, if God should now take him away, 
as being y* stay & life of y* whole bUssines. As allso his 
owne purposs this year to come over, and spend his days 
with them. But he that thus write of anothers sicknes, 
knew not y' his owne death was so near. It shows allso 
that a mas ways are not in his owne power, but in his 

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250 HISTORY OF [book H. 

hands who hath y* issues of life and death. Man may 
parpose, but God doth dispose. 

Their other freinds from Leyden writ many leters to 
them fiill of sad laments for ther heavie loss ; and though 
their wills were good to come to them, yet they saw no 
probabilitie of means, how it mi^t be effected, but con- 
eluded (as it were) that all their hopes were cutt of; and 
many, being aged, begane to drop away by death. 

All which things (before related) being well weighed 
and laied togither, it could not but strick them with great 
perplexitie ; and to looke humanly on y® state of things 
as they presented them selves at this time, it is a marvell 
it did not wholy discourage them, and sinck them. But 
they gathered up their spirits, and y® Lord so helped 
them, whose worke they had in hand, as now when they 
were at lowest* they begane to rise againe, and being 
striped (in a maner) of all humane helps and hops, he 
brought things aboute other wise, in his devine provi- 
dence, as they were not only upheld & sustained, but 
their proceedings both honoured and imitated by others ; 
as by y^ sequell will more appeare, if y^ Lord spare me 
life & time to declare y® same. 

Haveing now no fishing busines, or other things to 
intend, but only their trading & planting, they sett them 

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scald it at 6** a busbell,) used great dilligence in planting 
y^ same. And y^ Gove' and such as were designed to 
manage the trade, (for it was retained for y^ generaJI 
good, [141J and none were to trade in perticuler,) they 
followed it to the best advantage they could ; and want* 
ing trading goods, they understoode that a plantation 
which was at Monhigen, & belonged to some marchants 
of Plimoth was to breake up, and diverse usefull goods 
was tber to be sould ; the Gove' and M**. Winslow tooke 
a boat and some hands and went thither. But M^ David 
Thomson, who lived at Pascataway, understanding their 
purpose, tooke oppertunitie to goe with them, which was 
some hinderance to them both ; for they, perceiveing their 
joynte desires to buy, held their goods at higher rates ; 
and not only so, but would not sell a parcell of their 
trading goods, excepte they sould all. So, lest they 
should further prejudice one an other, they agreed to buy 
all, & devid Ihem equally between them. They bought 
allso a parcell of goats, which they distributed at home 
as they saw neede & occasion, and tooke come for them 
of y* people, which gave them good content. Their 
moyety of y* goods came to above 400". starling. Ther 
was allso that spring a French ship cast away at Saca- 
dahock, in w^ were many Biscaie ruggs & other comodi- 
ties, which were falen into these mens hands, & some 
other fisher men at Damerins-cove, which were allso 
bought in partnership, and made their parte arise to 
above 500". This they made shift to pay for, for y* most 

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252 HISTORY OP [book n. 

part, with y® beaver & comodities they had gott y* winter 
before, & what they had gathered up y* somer. M'. 
Thomson having some thing overcharged him selfe, de- 
sired they would take some of his, but they refused 
except he would let them have his French goods only ; 
and y® marchant (who was one of Bristol) would take 
their bill for to be paid y* next year. They were both 
willing, so they became ingaged for them & tooke them. 
By which means they became very well furnished for 
trade ; and tooke of therby some other ingagments w^ 
lay upon them, as the money taken up by Captaine 
Standish, and y* remiedns of former debts. With these 
goods, and their come after harvest, they gott good store 
of trade, so as they were enabled to pay their ingage- 
ments against y® time, & to get some cloathing for y* 
people, and had some comodities before hand. But now 
they begane to be envied^ and others wente and fild y* 
Indeans with come, and beat downe y* prise, giveing 
them twise as much as they had done, and under traded 
them in other comodities allso. 

This year they sent M'. Allerton into England, and 
gave him order to make a composition with y* adventur- 
ers, upon as good termes as he could (unto which some 
way had ben made y** year before by Captaine Standish) ; 

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under their hands & seals to take up some money, pro- 
vided it exeeded not such a sul&e specified, for which 
they engaged them Helves, and gave him order how to 
lay out y* same for y® use of y*^ plantation. 

And Qnding they raQe a great hazard to goe so long 
viages in a smale open boat, espetialy y^ winter season, 
they begane to thinke how they might gett a small 
pinass; as for y® reason afforesaid, so also because 
others had raised y* prise with y* Indeans above y* 
halfe of what they had formerly given, so as in such 
a boat they could not [143*] carry a quantity suflS- 
cient to answer their ends. They had no ship-carpen- 
ter amongst them, neither knew how to get one at 
presente; but they having an ingenious man that was 
a house carpenter, who also had wrought with y® ship 
carpenter (that was dead) when he built their boats, 
at their request he put forth liim selfe to make a triall 
that way of his skill ; and tooke one of y® bigest of 
ther shalops and sawed her in y® midle, and so lenth- 
ened her some 5. or 6. foote, and strengthened her 
with timbers, and so builte her up, and laid a deck 
on her; and so made her a conveniente and whobome 
vessell, very fitt & comfortable for their use, which 
did them servise 7. years after; and they gott her 
finished, and fitted with say lea & anchors, y® insuing 

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254 HISTORY OP [book n. 

Anno Dom: 1627. 
At y* usnall season of y* coming of ships M'. Aller- 
ton retamedy and brought some osfall goods witii him, 
according to j^ order given him. For upon his com- 
mission he tooke up 200*^. wliich he now gott at 30. 
per cent. The which goods they gott safly home, 
and well conditioned, which was much to the comfort 
& contente of y* plantation. He declared unto them, 
allso, bow, with much adoe and no small trouble, he 
had made a composition with y® adventurers, by the 
help of sundrie of their futhfiill freinds ther, who had 
allso tooke much pains ther about. The agreement or 
bargen he had brought a draught of, with a list of ther 
names ther too annexed, drawne by the best counsell 
of law they could get, to make it firme. The heads 
wherof I shall here inserte. 

To all Christian people, greeting, dbc. Wheras at a meeting 
y* 26. of October last past, diverse & sandrie persons, whose 
names to y* one part of these presents are subscribed in a 
schedule hereunto annexed. Adventurers to New-Plimoth in 
New-England in America, were contented and agreed, in con- 
sideration of the sume of one thousand and eight hundred 
pounds sterling to be paid, (in maner and forme foiling,) to 
sell, and make sale of all & every y* stocks, shares, lands, 

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of money, or marchandise, at any time heretofore adventured 
or disbarsed by them, or other wise howsoeTer ; for y* better 
expression and setting forth of which said agreemente, the 
parties to these presents subscribing, doe for [144] them selves 
severally, and as much as in them is, grant, bargan, alien, sell, 
and transfere all & every y* said shares, goods, lands, mar- 
chandice, and chatles to them belonging as aforesaid, unto 
Isaack Alerton, one of y* planters resident at Plimoth affore- 
said, assigned, and sent over as agente for y* rest of y* 
planters ther, and to such other planters at Plimoth afforesaid 
as y* said Isack, his heirs, or assignes, at his or ther arnvall, 
shall by writing or otherwise thiuke fitte to joyne or partake 
in y* premisses, their heirs, & assignes, in as large, ample, 
and beneficiall maner and forme, to all intents and purposes, 
as y* said subscribing adventurers here could or may doe, or 
performe. All which stocks, shares, lands, &c. to the said 
adven : in severallitie alloted, apportioned, or any way belong- 
ing, the said adven: doe warrant & defend unto the said 
Isaack Allerton, his heirs and assignes, against them, their 
heirs and assignes, by these presents. And therfore y* said 
Isaack Allerton doth, for him, his heirs & assigns, covenant, 
promise, & grant too & with y* adven : whose names are here 
unto subscribe*!, ther heirs, &c. well & truly to pay, or cause 
to be payed, unto y* said adven : or 5. of them which were, at 
y* meeting afforsaid, nominated & deputed, viz. John Pocock^ 
John Beachampj Robart Keane^ Edward Base^ and James 
Sherleyj marchants, their heirs, &c. too and for y* use of y* 
generallitie of them, the sume of 1800**, of lawfnll money 
of England, at y* place appoynted for y* receipts of money, 
on the west side of y* Royall Exchaing in London, by 200*^ 
yearly, and every year, on y* feast of St. Migchell, the first 
paiment to be made An°: 1628. <&c. Allso y* said Isaack is 
to indeavor to procure & obtaine from y* planters of N. P. 
aforesaid, securitie, by severall obligations, or writings oblig- 

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atory, to make paiment of y* said same of ISOO'*. in forme 
afforsaid, according to y* true meaning of these presents. In 
testimonie wherof to this part of these presents remaining with 
y* said Isaack Allerton, y* said subscribing adven : have sett 
to their names,* &c. And to y* other part remaining with 
y* said adven: the said Isaack Allerton hath subscribed his 
name, y* 15. Noi^. An'': 1626. in y* 2. year of his Majesties 

* Below are the names of the adTentnren sabscribed to this paper, taken 
from Bradford's Letter-Book, 1 Mass. Hist. CoU., III. 48; being forty-two in 
nnmber. The names of six of these persons are found subsequently among 
the members of the Massachusetts Company » viz. John White, John Pooock, 
Thomas Ooffb, Samuel Sharpe, John Revell, and Thomas Andrews. Mr. 
Haven, who edited the Records of the Massachusetts Company, is of opinion 
that the first person on the list is the celebrated clergyman of Dorchester, the 
reputed author of the Planter's Plea. Emnu. Alltham is probably the same 
person named in the Council Records, under date January 21, 1622-3 : ** Emanuel 
Altum to command the Pinnace bnilt for Mr. Peiroe's Plantation." Smith 
speaks of " Captaine AUom ** as commanding this vessell, but Morton says the 
name of the master of the Little James was Mr. Bridges, who it appears was 
drowned at DamariscoTe, in March, 1624. See Coll. of the Amer. Antiq. Soc, 
III. 26, 62, Preface ; Felt's MS. Memoranda from the Council Records ; Smith's 
Oenerall Historie, p. 239; Morton's Memorial, p. 48. 

John White, 
John Pocock, 
Robert Kean, 
Edward Bass, 
William Hobson, 
William Penington, 
William Quarles, 
Daniel Poynton, 
Richard Andrews, 
Newman Rookes, 
Henry Browning, 
Richard Wright, 
John Ling, 
Thomas Goflb, 

Samuel Sbarpe, 
Robert Holland, 
James Sberley, 
Thomas Mott, 
Thomas Fletcher, 
Timothy Hatherly, 
Thomas Brewer, 
John Thomed, 
Myles Knowles, 
WilUam Collier, 
John Reyell, 
Peter Oudbum, 
Emnu. Alltham, 
John Beauchamp, 

Thomas Hndson, 
Thomas Andrews, 
Thomas Ward, 
Fria. Newbald, 
Thomas Heath, 
Joseph Tilden, 
William Perrin, 
Eliza Knight, 
Thomas Coventry, 
Robert Allden, 
Lawrence Anthony, 
John Knight, 
Matthew ThomhiU. 
Thomas Millsop. 

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This agreemente was very well liked of, & approved 
by all y® plantation, and consented unto; though they 
knew not well how to raise y*^ payment, and discharge 
their other ingagements, and supply the yearly wants 
of y® plantation, seeing they were forced for their 
necessities to take up money or goods at so high in- 
trests. Yet they undertooke it, and 7. or 8. of y* 
cheefe of y* place became joyntly bound for y* pai- 
mente of this 1800". (in y* behalfe of y* rest) at y* 
several] days. In which they rane a great adventure, 
as their present state stood, having many other heavie 
burthens allready upon them, and all things in an un- 
certaine condition amongst them. So y* next retume 
it was absolutly confirmed on both sids, and y'' bargen 
fairly ingrossed in partchmente and in many things put 
into better forme, by y® advice of y* learnedest counsell 
they could gett; and least any forfeiture should fall on 
y*' whole for none paimente at any of y* days, it rane 
thus : to forfite 30*- a weeke if they missed y* time ; 
and was concluded under their hands & seals, as may 
be seen at large by y* deed it selfe. 

[145] Now though they had some untowarde per- 
sons mixed amongst them from the first, which came 
out of England, and more afterwards by some of y® 
adventurers, as freindship or other affections led them. 

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258 HI8TOBY OP [book H. 

other of their cbeefe freinds had serious consideration, 
how to setle things in regard of this new bargen or 
purchas made, in respecte of y® distribution of things 
both for y* presente and future. For y* present, ex- 
cepte peace and union were preserved, they should be 
able to doe nothing, but indanger to over throw all, 
now that other tyes & bonds were taken away. Ther- 
fore they resolved, for sundrie reasons, to take in all 
amongst them, that were either heads of families, or 
single yonge men, that were of abillity, and free, (and 
able to governe them selvs with meete descretion, and 
their affairs, so as to be helpfiill in y* comone-welth, ) 
into this partnership or purchass. First, y*^ consid- 
ered that they had need of men & strength both for 
defence and carrying on of bussinesses. 2^^, most of 
them had borne ther parts in former miseries & wants 
with them, and therfore (in some sort) but equal! to 
partake in a better condition, if y* Lord be pleased to 
give it. But cheefly they saw not how peace would 
be j)re8erved without so doing, but danger & great dis- 
turbance might grow to their great hurte & prejudice 
other wise. Yet they resolved to keep such a mean in 
distribution of lands, and other courses, as should not 
hinder their growth in others coming to them. 

So they caled y' company togeather, and conferred 
with them, and came to this conclusion, that y® trade 
should be managed as before, to help to pay the debts ; 
and all such persons as were above named should be 

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reputed and inrouled for purchasers; single free men 
to have a single share, and every father of a familie to 
be alowed to purehass so many shares as he had per- 
sons in his family; that is to say, one for him selfe, 
and one for his wife, and for every child that he had 
living with him, one. As for servants, they had none, 
but what either their maisters should give them out of 
theirs, or their deservings should obtaine from y* com- 
pany afterwards. Thus all were to be cast into single 
shares according to the order abovesaid; and so every 
one was to pay his part according to his proportion 
towards y^ purehass, & all other debts, what y^ profite 
of y^ trade would not reach too ; viz. a single man for 
a single share, a maister of a famalie for so many as 
he had. This gave all good contente. And first ac- 
cordingly the few catle which they had were devided, 
which arose to this proportion; a cowe to 6. persons 
or shars, & 2. goats to y* same, which were first 
equalised for age & goodnes, and then lotted for; 
single persons consorting with others, as they thought 
good, & smaler familys likwise; and swine though 
more [146] in number, yet by y® same rule. Then 
they agreed that every person or share should have 
20. acres of land devided unto them, besids y* single 
acres they had allready ; and they appoynted were to 
begin first on y* one side of y® towne, & how farr to 
goe; and then on y* other side in like maner; and 
so to devid it by lotte; and appointed sundrie by 

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260 msTOBY OP [book n. 

name to doe it, and tyed them to certaine nils to pro- 
ceed by; as that they shoald only lay out settable or 
tillable land, at least such of it as should butt on y* 
water side, (as y* most they were to lay out did,) and 
pass by y® rest as refuse and comune; and what they 
judged fitte should be so taken. And they were first 
to agree of y® goodnes & fitnes of it before the lott 
was drawne, and so it might as well prove some of 
ther owne, as an other mans; and this course they 
were to hould throwout. But yet seekeing to keepe 
y^ people togither, as much as might be, they allso 
agreed upon this order, by mutuall consente, before 
any lots were cast: that whose lotts soever should fall 
next y* towne, or most conveninte for nearnes, they 
should take to them a neigboure or tow, whom they 
best liked; and should suffer them to plant come with 
them for 4. years; and afterwards they might use as 
much of theirs for as long time, if they would. Allso 
every share or 20. acers was to be laid out 5. acres 
in breadth by y® water side, and 4. acres in lenght, 
excepting nooks & corners, which were to be measured 
as y''^ would bear to best advantage. But no meadows 
were to be laid out at all, nor were not of many years 
after, because they were but streight of meadow grounds ; 
and if they had bene now given out, it would have 
hindred all addition to them afterwards; but every 
season all were appoynted wher they should mowe, 
according to y* proportion of catle they had. This 

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distribution gave generally good contente, and setled 
mens minds. Also they gave y* Gove*" & 4. or 5. of 
y* spetiall men amongst them, y* houses they lived in; 
y* rest were valued & equalised at an indiferent rate, 
and so every man kept his owne, and he that had a 
better alowed some thing to him that had a worse, as 
y* valuation wente. 

Ther is one thing that fell out in y* begining of y® 
winter before, which I have reflTerred to this place, that 
I may handle y® whole matter togeither. Ther was a 
ship, with many passengers in her and sundrie goods, 
bound for Virginia. They had lost them selves at sea, 
either by y* insufficiencie of y* maister, or his ilnes; 
for he was sick & lame of y^ scurvie, so that he could 
but lye in y* cabin dore, & give direction ; and it should 
seeme was badly assisted either w^ mate or mariners ; 
or else y* fear and unrulines of y*^ passengers were such, 
as they made them stear a course betweene y^ southwest 
& y® norwest, that they might fall with some land, 
what soever it was they cared not. For they had been 
6. weeks at sea, and had no water, nor bee re, nor any 
woode left, but had burnt up all their emptie caske; 
only one of y* company had a hogshead of wine or 2. 
which was allso allmost spente, so as they feared they 
should be starved at sea, or consumed with diseases, 
which made them rune this desperate course. But it 
plased God that though they came so neare y^ shoulds 
of Cap-Codd [147] or else ran stumbling over them in 

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262 HISTORY OP [book II. 

y* nighty they knew not how, they came right before 
a small blind harbore, that lyes about y* midie of Mana- 
moyake Bay, to y* southward of Cap-Codd, with a small 
gale of wind; and about highwater toucht upon a barr 
of sand that lyes before it, but had no hurte, y® sea 
being smoth ; so they laid out an anchore. But towards 
the eyeing the wind sprunge up at sea, and was so 
rough, as broake their cable, & beat them over the barr 
into y* harbor, wher they saved their lives & goods, 
though much were hurte with salt water ; for w^ beating 
they had sprung y* but end of a planke or too, & beat 
out ther occome; but they were soone over, and ran 
on a drie flate within the harbor, close by a beach ; so 
at low water they gatt out their goods on drie shore, 
and dried those that were wette, and saved most of 
their things without any great loss ; neither was y* ship 
much hurt, but shee might be mended, and made ser- 
visable againe. But though they were not a litle glad 
that they had thus saved their lives, yet when they had 
a litle refreshed them selves, and begane to thinke on 
their condition, not knowing wher they were, nor 
what they should doe, they begane to be strucken 
with sadnes. But shortly after they saw some Indians 
come to them in canows, which made them stand 
upon their gard. But when they heard some of y* 
Indeans speake English unto them, they were not a 
litle revived, especially when they heard them demand 
if they were the Gove*^ of Plimoths men, or freinds; 

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and y' they would bring them to y* English houses, or 
carry their letters. 

They feasted these Indeans, and gave them many 
giftes; and sente 2. men and a letter with them to y^ 
Gove% and did intreat him to send a boat unto them, 
with some pitch, & occume, and spiks, w*** divers other 
necessaries for y* mending of ther ship (which was re- 
coverable). AUso they besought him to help them with 
some come and sundrie other things they wanted, to 
enable them to make their viage to Virginia; and they 
should be much bound to him, and would make satis- 
faction for any thing they had, in any comodities they 
had abord. After y^ Gov' was well informed by y* 
messengers of their condition, he caused a boate to be 
made ready, and such things to be provided as they 
write for ; and because others were abroad upon trading, 
and such other affairs, as had been fitte to send unto 
them, he went him selfe, & allso carried some trading 
comodities, to buy them come of y® Indeans. It was 
no season of y® year to goe withoute y* Cape, but 
understanding wher y® ship lay, he went into y bottom 
of y* bay, on y* inside, and put into a crick called 
Naumskachett, wher it is not much above 2. mile over 
[148] land to y* bay wher they were, wher he had 
y® Indeans ready to cary over any thing to them. Of 
his arrivall they were very glad, and received the 
things to mend ther ship, & other necessaries. Allso 
he bought them as much corne as they would have; 

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264 HISTORY OF [book H. 

and wheras some of their sea-men were rune away 
amonge the Indeans, he procured their retume to y* 
ship, and so left them well furnished and contented, 
being very thankfull for y* curtesies they receaved. But 
after the Gove'' thus left them, he went into some other 
harbors ther aboute and loaded his boat with come, 
which he traded, and so went home. But he had not 
been at home many days, but he had notice from them, 
that by the violence of a great storme, and y® bad 
morring of their ship (afl»r she was mended) she was 
put a shore, and so beatten and shaken as she was now 
wholy unfitte to goe to sea. And so their request was 
that they might have leave to repaire to them, and 
soujoume with them, till they could have means to 
convey them selves to Virginia; and that they might 
have means to trasport their goods, and they would 
pay for y* same, or any thing els wher with y* plan- 
tation should releeve them. Considering their distres, 
their requests were granted, and all helpfullnes done 
unto them; their goods transported, and them selves 
& goods sheltered in their houses as well as they could. 
The cheefe amongst these people was one M'. Fells 
and M'. Sibsie, which had many servants belonging 
unto them, many of them being Irish. Some others 
ther were y' had a servante or 2. a peece ; but y* most 
were servants, and such as were ingaged to the former 

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desired some gtound to imploye ther seirants upon; 
seing it was like to be y* latter end of y* year before 
they could have passage for Virginia, and they had 
now y* winter before them; they might clear some 
ground, and plant a crope (seeing they had tools, 
& necessaries for y® same) to help to bear their charge, 
and keep their servants in imployment; and if they 
had oppertunitie to departe before the same was ripe, 
they would sell it on y* ground. So they had ground 
appointed them in convenient places, and Fells & some 
other of them raised a great deall of come, which they 
sould at their departure. This Fells, amongst his other 
servants, had a maid servante which kept his house 
& did his household affairs, and by the intimation of 
some that belonged unto him, ho was suspected to keep 
her, as his concubine ; and both of them were examined 
ther upon, but nothing could be proved, and they stood 
upon their justification; so with admonition they were 
dismiste. But afterward it appeard she was with child, 
so he gott a small boat, & ran away with her, for 
fear of punishmente. First he went to Cap-Anne, and 
after into y* bay of y'^ Massachussets, but could get no 
passage, and had like to have been cast away ; and 
was forst to come againe and submite him selfe; but 
they pact him away & those that belonged unto him by 
the first oppertunitie, and dismiste all the rest as soone 
as could, 'being many untoward people amongst them; 
though ther were allso some that caned them selves 

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266 HISTORY OF [book H. 

very orderly all y* time they stayed. And the [149] 
plantation had some benefite by them, in selling them 
come & other provisions of food for cldathing ; for they 
had of ^diverse kinds, as cloath, perpetuanes, & other 
stuffs, besids hose, & shoes, and such like comodities as 
y* planters stood in need of. So they both did good, 
and received good . one from another ; and a cuple of 
barks caried them away at y® later end of somer. And 
sundrie of them have acknowledged their thankfiillnes 
since from Virginia. 

That they might y^ better take all convenient oppor- 
tunitie to follow their trade, both to maintaine them 
selves, and to disingage them of those great sumes 
which they stood charged with, and bound for, they 
resoloved to build a smale pinass at Manamet, a place 
20. mile from y* plantation, standing on y* sea to y* 
southward of them, unto which, by an other creeke on 
this side, they could cary their goods, within 4. or 5. 
miles, and then trSsport them over land to their ves- 
sell ; and so avoyd the compasing of Cap-Codd, and 
those deangerous shoulds, and so make any vioage to 
y® southward in much shorter time, and with farr less 
danger. Also for y® saftie of their vessell & goods, 
they builte a house their, and kept some servants, who 
also planted come, and reared some swine, and were 
allwayes ready to ffoe out with v* barke when ther was 

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*rhey now sent (with y* retume of y* ships) M'. 
AUerton againe into England, giveing him full power, 
under their hands & seals, to conclude the former bar- 
gaine with y* adventurers; and sent ther bonds for y* 
paimente of the money. AUso they sent what beaver 
they could spare to pay some of their ingagementes, 
& to defray his chargs; for those deepe interests still 
kepte them low. Also he had order to procure a patente 
for a fitt trading place in y® river of Kenebec ; for being 
emulated both by the planters at Pascataway & other 
places to y® eastward of them, and allso by y* fishing 
ships, which used to draw much profite from y^ Indeans 
of those parts, they threatened to procure a grante, 
& shutte them out from thence; espetially after they 
saw them so well furnished with coSodities, as to carie 
the trade from them. They thought it but needfuU to 
prevente such a thing, at least that they might not be 
excluded from free trade ther, wher them selves had 
first begune and discovered the same, Sd brought it to 
so good effecte. This year allso they had letters, and 
messengers from y® Dutch-plantation, sent unto them 
from y** Gov*^ ther, writen both in Dutch & French. 
The Dutch had traded in these southeme parts, diverse 
years before they came ; but they begane no plantation 
hear till 4. or 5. years after their coming, and here 
begining. Ther letters were as followeth. It being 
their maner to be fiill of complementall titles. 

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268 HISTORY OF [book U. 

Eedele, Eerenfeste Wyse Vooreinnige Heeren, den Gdveer- 
neur, ende Raeden in Nien-Pliemuen residerende ; onse seer 
Goede vrinden den directeur ende Raed van Niea-Nederlande, 
wensen v^e Edn: eerenfesten, ende wijse voorsinnige geluck 
saiichitt [gelukzaligheid?], In Christi Jesa onsen Heere; met 
goede voorspoet, ende gesonthijt, naer siele, ende lichaem. 

The rest I shall render in English, leaving out the 
repetition of superfluous titles. 

[150] We have often before this wished for an opportanitie 
or an occasioD to congratulate yon, and yonr prosperous and 
praise- worthy undertake ings, and Goverment of your colony 
ther. And the more, in that we also have made a good 
begining to pitch y* foundation of a collonie hear ; and seeing 
our native oountrie lyes not farr from yours, and our fore- 
fathers (diverse hundred years agoe) have made and held 
frendship and alliance with your ancestours, as sufticeatly 
appears by y* old contractes, and entrecourses, confirmed 
under y* hands of kings <& princes, in y' pointe of warr <& 
trafick; as may be scene and read by all y* world in y* old 
chronakles. The which are not only by the king now reign- 
ing confirmed, but it hath pleased his majesty, upon mature 
deliberation, to make a new covenante, (and to take up 
armes,) with y* States Generall of our dear native country, 
against our comone enemie the Spaniards, who seeke nothing 

• The orthography of some of these words differs from the modem way 
of spelling them; and we have no means of ascertaining the accaracy of 
Bradford's copy from the original letter. This passage may be rendered 
thus: — 

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else but to asarpe and overcome other Christian kings and 
princes lands, that so he might obtaine and possess his pre- 
tended monarchic over all Christendom; and so to rule and 
comand, after his owne pleasure, over y* consciences of so 
many hundred thousand sowies, which God forbid. 

And also seeing it hath some time since been reported unto 
us, by some of our people, that by occasion came so farr 
northward with their shalop, and met with sundry of y* 
Indeans, who tould them that they were within halfe a days 
journey of your plantation, and offered ther service to cary 
letters unto you ; therfore we could not forbear to salute you 
with these few lines, with presentation of our good will and 
servise unto yon, in all frendly-kindnes <& neighbourhood. 
And if it so fall out that any goods that comes to our hands 
from our native countiie, may be serviceable unto you, we 
shall take our selves bound to help and aecomadate you ther 
with ; either for beaver or any other wares or marchandise 
that you should be pleased to deale for. And if in case we 
have no comodity at present that may give you conteute, 
if you please to sell us any beaver, or otter, or such like 
comodities as may be usefuU for us, for ready money, and 
let us understand therof by this bearer in writing, (whom we 
have apoynted to stay 3. or 4. days for your answer,) when 
we underatand your minds therin, we shall depute one to 
deale with you, at such place as you shall appointe. In y* 
mean time we pray the Lord to take you, our honoured 
good freinds and neighbours, into his holy protection. 
By the appointment of y* Gov' and Counsell, &c. 

IsAAK DE Rasier, Sccrectaris. 
From y* Manhatas, in y* fort Amsterdam, 
March 9. An*^: 1627. 

To this they returned answer as foUoweth, on y* 
other side. 

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270 HISTORY OF [book II. 

[151] To the Honoured, &c. 

The Gove' & Coansell of New-Plim : wisheth, Ac. We have 
received your letera, &c. wherin appeareth your good wills 
& frendship towards us; but is expresed w^ over high titls, 
more then belongs to us, or is meete for us to receive. But 
for your good will, and congratulations of our prosperitie in 
these smale begin ings of our poore colonic, we are much 
bound unto you, and with many thanks doe acknowledg y* 
same; taking it both for a great honour done unto us, and 
for a certaine testimoney of your love and good neighbourhood. 

Now these are further to give your Wor^p* to undei-stand, 
that it is to us no smale joye to hear, that his majestic hath 
not only bene pleased to confirme y' ancient amitie, aliance, 
and frendship, and other contracts, formerly made & ratified 
by his predecessors of famous memorie, but hath him selfe 
(as you say) strengthened the same with a new-union the 
better to resist y* prid of y' comone enemy y* Spaniard, from 
whose cruelty the Lord keep us both, and our native coun- 
tries. Now forasmuch as this is sufficiente to unite us 
togeather in love and good neighbourhood, in all our deal- 
ings, yet are many of us further obliged, by the good and 
curteous entreaty which we have found in your countrie ; have- 
ing lived ther many years, with freedome, and good contente, 
as also many of our freinds doe to this day; for which we, 
and our children after us, are bound to be thankful! to your 
Nation, and shall never forgett y* same, but shall hartily 
desire your good & prosperity, as our owne, for ever. 

Likwise for your freindly tender, & offer to acomodate 
and help us with any comodities or marchandise you have, 
or shall come to vou. either for beaver, otters, or other wares. 

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we shall deale with you, if your rates be reasonable. And 
therfore when yon please to send to us againe by any of 
yours, we desire to know how you will take beaver, by y* 
pounde, & otters, by y* skine ; and how you will deale per 
cent, for other comodities, and what you can fumishe us 
with. As likwise what other commodities from us may be 
accieptable unto you, as tobaco, fish, come, or other things, 
and what prises you will give, &c. 

Thus hoping that you will pardon & excuse us for our rude 
and imperfecte writing in your language, and take it in good 
parte, because [152] for wante of use we cannot so well 
express that we understand, nor hapily understand every thing 
80 fully as we should. And so we humbly pray the Lord for 
his mercie sake, that he will take both us and you into his 
keeping & gratious protection. 

By y* Gove' and Counsell of New-Plimoth, 

Your WorPP* very good freinds <& neigbours, Ac. 

New-Plim: March 19. 

After this ther was many passages betweene them 
both by letters and other entercourse ; and they had 
some profitable commerce togither for diverce years, till 
other occasions interrupted y® same, as may happily 
appear afterwards, more at large. 

Before they sent M'. AUerton away for England this 
year, y* Gove' and some of their cheefe freinds had 
serious consideration, not only how they might discharge 
those great ingagments which lay so heavily upon them, 
as is affore mentioned, but also how they might (if pos- 
siblie they could) devise means to help some of their 
freinds and breethren of Ley den over unto them, who 

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272 HISTORY OF [book H. 

desired so much to come to them, fid they desired as 
much their company. To effecte which, they resolyed 
to rune a high course, and of great adventure, not 
knowing otherwise how to bring it aboute. Which was 
to hire y® trade of y® company for certaine years, and 
in that time to undertake to pay that 1800**. and all y® 
rest of y® debts that then lay upon y^ plantation, which 
was aboute some 600**. more; and so to set them free, 
and retume the trade to y® general itie againe at y* 
end of y® terme. Upon which resolution they called 
y* company togeither, and made it clearly appear unto 
all what their debts were, and upon what terms they 
would undei*take to pay them all in such a time, and 
sett them clear. But their other ends they were faine 
to keepe secrete, haveing only privatly acquaynted some 
of their trusty freinds therwith ; which were glad of y* 
same, but doubted how they would be able to performe 
it. So after some agitation of the thing w'** y* com- 
pany, it was yeelded unto, and the agreemente made 
upon y* conditions following. 

Articles of agreemente betweene y* coliony of New-Plimoth 
of y* one partie, and William Bradford, Captain Myles 
Standish, Isaack Allerton, &c. one y* other partie; and 
shuch others as they shall thinke good to take as part- 
ner and undertakers with them, concerning the trade 
for beaver & other furrs & comodities, &c. ; made July, 

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Standish, <Sb Isaack Allerton, &o. have andertaken, and doe 
by these presents, covenante and agree to pay, dischai^e, 
and acqaite y* said coUony of all y* debtes both due for 
y' pnrchass, or any other belonging to them, at y* day of 
y* date of these presents. 

[153] Secondly, y* above-said parties are to have and 
freely injoye y* pinass latly bnilte, the boat at Manamett, 
and y* shalop, called y* Bass-boat, with all other implements 
to them belonging, that is in y* store of y* said company; 
with all y* whole stock of fuiTs, fells, beads, come, wam- 
pampeak, hatchets, knives, &c. that is now in y* storre, or 
any way due unto y* same uppon accounte. 

3^^. That y* above said parties have y* whole trade to them 
selves, their heires and assignes, with all y* privileges therof , 
as y^ said collonie doth now, or may use the same, for 6. full 
years, to begine y* last of September next insuing. 

4'^. In furder consideration of y* discharge of y' said 
debtes, every severall purchaser doth promise and covenante 
yearly to pay, or cause to be payed, to the above said par- 
ties, during y* full terme of y* said 6. years, 3. bushells of 
corne, or 6**. of tobaco, at y* undertakers choyse. 

5^y. The said undei-takers shall dureing y^ alToresaid terme 
bestow 50**. per annum, in hose and shoese, to be brought 
over for y* collonies use, to be sould unto them for come 
at 6', per bushell. 

6^^. That at y* end of y* said terme of 6. years, the whole 
trade shall retume to y* use and benefite of y* said collonie, 
as before. 

Lastly, if y* afforesaid undertakers, after they have aquainted 
their freinds in England with these covenants, doe (upon y* 
first retume) resolve to performe them, and undertake to dis- 
charge y* debtes of y* said collony, according to y* true mean- 
ing & intente of these presents, then they are (upon such 
notice given) to stand in full force ; othei*wise all things to 

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274 HISTORY OP [book II. 

remaine as formerly they were, and a true accoaete to be 
given to y* said collonie, of the disposing of all things 
according to the former order. 

M'. Allerton carried a coppy of this agreemente with 
him into England, and amongst other his instructions 
had order given him to deale with some of their speciall 
freinds, to joyne with them in this trade upon y* above 
recited conditions; as allso to imparte their further 
ends that moved them to take this course, namly, the 
helping over of some of their freinds from Ley den, as 
they should be able; in which if any of them would 
joyne with them they should thankftilly acceptt of their 
love and partnership herein. And with all (by their 
letters) gave them some grounds of their hops of the 
accomplishmente of these things with some advantage. 

Anno Bom: 1628. 
Aftbb M'. Allertons arivall in England, he aquainted 
them with his comission and full power to conclude y^ 
forementioned bargan & purchas ; upon [154] the veiw 
wherof, and y® delivery of y® bonds for y® paymente of 
y® money yearly, (as is before mentioned,) it was fully 
concluded, and a deede* fairly ingrossed in partch- 
mente was delivered him, under their hands & seals 

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to admitt some of these their good freinds into thia 
purcbass if they pleased, and to deale with them for 
moneys at better rates, &c. Touching which I shall 
hear inseile a letter of M^ Sherleys, giving light to 
what followed therof, writ to y* Gov"^ as followeth. 

S': I have received yours of y* 26. of May by M'. Gibs, 
& W. Groffe, with y* barrell of otter skins, according to y* 
contents ; for which I got a bill of store, and so tooke them 
up, and sould them togeather at 78". 12'. sterling; and 
since, M'. Allerton hath received y* money, as will apear by 
the acconnte. It is true (as you write) that your ingag- 
ments are gi*eat, not only the purchass, but you are yet 
necessitated to take up y* stock you work upon; and y' not 
at 6. or 8. 9^ cent, as it is here let out, but at 30. 40. yea, 
& some at 50. ^' cent, which, were not your gaines great, 
and Gods blessing on your honest indeaours more then 
ordinarie, it could not be y* you should longe subsiste in y* 
maintaining of, & upholding of your worldly affaires. And 
this' your honest & discreete agente, M^ Allerton, hath seri- 
ously considered, & deeply laid to mind, how to ease you 
of it. He tould me you were contented to accepte of me 
& some few others, to joyne with you in y* purchass, as 
partners; for which I kindly thanke you and all y® rest, 
and doe willingly accepte of it. And though absente, shall 
willingly be at shuch charge as you & y* rest shall thinke 
meete ; and this year am contented to forbear my former 50**. 
and 2. years increase for y* venture, both which now makes 
it 80". without any bargaine or condition for y* profite, you 
(I mean y« generalitie) stand to y* adventure, outward, and 
homeward. I have perswaded M^ Andrews and M' Beachamp 

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276 HISTORY OP [book u. 

to alow U8 what you please, and as God shall blesse. What 
coarse I rane, M'. Beachamp desireth to doe y* same ; and 
though he have been or seemed somwhat harsh heretofore, 
yet now you shall find he is new moulded. I allso see by 
your letter, you desire I should be your agente or factors 
hear. I have ever found you so faithfull, honest, and upright 
men, as I have even resolved with my selfe (God assisting 
me) to doe you all y* good lyeth in my power ; and therfore 
if you please to make choyse of so weak a man, both for 
abillities and body, to performe your bussines, I promise (y* 
Lord enabling me) to doe y^ best I can according to those 
abillities he hath given me ; and wherin I faile^ blame your 
selves, y' you made no better choyce. Now, because I am 
sickly, and we are all mortall, I have advised M^ Allerton 
to joyne M'. Beachamp with me in your deputation, which 
I conceive to be very necessary & good for you ; your charge 
shall be no more, for it is not your salarie maks me under- 
take your [156*] bussines. Thus comending you & yours, 
and all Gods people, unto y* guidance and protection of y* 
Allmightie, I ever rest. 

Your faithfull loving freind, 
London, Nov. 17. 1628. James SHERLET.f 

• 166 omitted in original MS. — Com. 

f Another later of his» that shonld have bene placed before : — 
We cannot but take notice how y« Lord hath been pleased to crosse our 
proseedingS) and caused many disasters to befale us therin. I conoeiTO y* 
only reason to be, we, or many of us, aimed at other ends then Oods glorie ; 
but now I hope y' cause is talcen away ; the bargen being fully concluded, as 
farr as our powers will reach, and confirmed under our hands & seals, to 
M'. AUerton & y« rest of his & your copartners. But for my owne parte. 

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With this leter they sent a draught of a formall depu- 
tation to be hear sealed and sent back unto them, to 
authorise them as {heir agents, according to what is 
mentioned in y® above said letter; and because some 
inconvenience grue therby afterwai*d I shall here in- 
serte it. 

had, or hsve, so to doe; neither shall it ever be proved y^ I have wronged 
them or any of y« adventurers, wittingly or willingly, one peny in y« dia- 
bnrsing of so many pounds in those 2. years trouble. No, y* sole cause why 
they maligne me (as I & others conceived) was y* I would not side with 
them against you, & the going over of y« Leyden people. But as I then card 
not, so now I litle fear what they can doe ; yet charge & trouble I know they 
may cause me to be at. And for these reasons, I would gladly have per- 
swaded the other 4. to have sealed to this bargaine, and left me out, but they 
would not; so rather then it should faile, M'. Alerton having taken so much 
pains, I have sealed w<i> y rest; with this proviso & promise of bis, y^ if any 
trouble arise hear, you are to bearhalfe y* charge. Wherfore now I doubt 
not but you will give your generallitie good oontente, and setle peace amongst 
your selves, and peace with the natives; and then no doubt but y« God of 
Peace will blese your going out & your returning, and cause all y^ yon sett 
-your hands unto to prosper; the which I shall ever pray y* Lord to grante 
if it be his blessed will. Asuredly unless y* Lord be mercifull unto us & y« 
whole land in generall, our estate & condition is farr worse then yours. 
Wherfore if y« Lord should send persecution or trouble hear, (which is much 
to be feared,) and so should put into our minds to flye for refuge, I know 
no place safer then to come to you, (for all Europ is at varience one with 
another, but cheefly W* us,) not doubting but to find such frendly enter- 
tainmente as shall be honest & conscionable, notwithstanding what hath latly 
passed. For I profess in y* word of an honest man, had it not been to pro- 
cure your peace & quiet from some turbulent spirites hear, I would not have 
sealed to this last deed; though you would have given me all my adventure 
and debte ready downe. Thus desiring y« Lord to blesse & prosper yon, 
I cease ever resting. 

Tour falthfull & loving freind, 
to my power, 
Des: 27. James Sherlbt. 

[The above letter was written on the reverse of page 154 of the original 

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278 HISTORY OF [book II. 

To all to whom these prets shall come greeting ; know yee 
that we, William Bradford, Gov' of Plimoth, in N. E. in 
America, Isaak AUertou, Myles Stand^h, William Brewster, 
& Ed: Winslow, of Plimoth aforesaid, marchants, doe by 
these presents for as & in our names, make, substitute, & 
appointe James Sherley, Goldsmith,^ & John Beachamp, Salter, 
citizens of London, our true <& lawfull agents, factors, sub- 
stitutes, <& assignes ; as well to take and receive all such 
goods, wares, & marchandise what soever as to our said 
substitutes or either of them, or to y* citie of London, or 
other place of y' Relme of Engl : shall be sente, transported, 
or come from us or any of us, as allso to vend, sell, barter, 
or exchaing y* said goods, wares, and marchandise so from 
time to time to be sent to such person or persons upon 
credite, or other wise in such maner as to our said agents 
& factors joyently, or to either of them severally shall seeme 
meete. And further we doe make & ordaine our said sub- 
stituts & assignes joyntly & severally for us, <& to our uses, 
& accounts, to buy and consigne for and to us into New- 
Engi : aforesaid, such goods and marchandise to be provided 
here, and to be returned hence, as by our said assignes, or 
either of them, shall be thought fitt. And to recover, receive, 
and demand for us & in our names all such debtes <& sumes 
of money, as now are or hereafter shall be due incidente 
accniing or belonging to us, or any of us, by any wayes 
or means ; and to acquite, discharge, or compound for any 
debte or sume of money, which now or hereafter shall be 
due or oweing by any person or persons to us, or any of us. 
And generally for us & in our names to doe, performe, and 
execute every acte & thing which to our said assignes, or 
either of them, shall seeme meete to be done in or aboute y* 
premissies, as fully & effectually, to all intents & purposes. 

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doe, or cause to be done, in or aboate y* premisses, we will 
& doe, & every of ns doth ratife, alow, & confirme, by 
these presents. In wittnes wherof we have here unto put 
our hands & seals. Dated 18. Nov*"' 1628. 

This was accordingly confirmed by the above named, 
and 4. more of the cheefe of them under their hands 
& seals, and delivered unto them. Also M*". AUerton 
formerly had authoritie under their hands & seals for 
y* transacting of y* former bussines, and taking up of 
moneys, &c. which still he retained whilst he was 
imployed in these affaires; they mistrusting neither 
him nor any of their freinds faithAiUnes, which made 
them more remisse in looking to shuch acts as had 
passed under their hands, as necessarie for y'' time; 
•but letting them rune on to long unminded or recaled, 
it turned to their harme afterwards, as will appere in 
its place. 

[157] M'. Allerton having setled all things thus in 
a good and hopfull way, he made hast to retuine in y* 
first of y* spring to be hear with their supply for trade, 
(for y® fishermen with whom he came used to sett forth 
in winter & be here betimes.) He brought a resonable 
supply of goods for y® plantation, and without those 
great interests as before is noted; and brought an 
accounte of y* beaver sould, and how y*" money was 
disposed for goods, & y** paymente of other debtes, 
having paid all debts abroad to others, save to M^ 
Sherley, M^ Beachamp, & M^ Andrews; from whom 

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280 HISTORY OS" [book n. 

likwise he brought an aocoante which to them all 
amounted not to above 400^. for which he had passed 
bonds. Allso he had payed the first paymente for y* 
parchass, being due for this year, viz. 200**. and brought 
them y* bonde for y* same canselled; so as they now 
had no more foreine debtes but y® abovesaid 400**. and 
odde pownds, and y® rest of y* yearly purchass monie. 
Some other debtes they had in y* cuntrie, but they 
were without any intrest, & they had wherwith to dis- 
charge them when they were due. To this pass the 
Lord had brought things for them. Also he brought 
them further notice that their freinds, the abovenamed, 
& some others that would joyne with them in y* 
trad & purchass, did intend for to send over to Leyden, 
for a competente number of them, to be hear the next* 
year without fayle, if y* Lord pleased to blesse their 
journey. He allso brought them a patente for Kene- 
beck, but it was so straite & ill bounded, as they were 
faine to renew & inlarge it the next year, as allso that 
which they had at home, to their great charge, as will 
after appeare. Hithertoo M*". Allerton did them good 
and faithfull service; and well had it been if he had 
so continued, or els they had now ceased for imploy- 
ing him any longer thus into England. But of this 
more afterwards. 

Having procured a patente (as is above said) for 
Kenebeck, they now erected a house up above in y* 
river in y* most convenientest place for trade, as they 

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conceived, and furnished the same with comodities for 
y* end, both winter & somer, not only with come but 
also with such other commodities as y^ fishermen had 
traded with them, as coats, shirts, ruggs, & blankets, 
biskett, pease, prunes, &c. ; and what they could not 
have out of England, they bought of the fishing ships, 
and so carried on their bussines as well as they could. 
This year the Dutch sent againe unto them from 
their plantation, both kind leterss, and also diverse 
comodities, as suger, linen cloth, Holand finer & 
courser stufes, &c. They came up with their barke 
to Manamete, to their house ther, in which came their 
Secretarie Easier; who was accompanied with a noyse 
of trumpeters, and some other attendants ; and desired 
that they would send a boat for him, for he could 
not travill so farr over knd. So they sent a boat 
to Manonscussett, and brought him to y* plantation, 
with y* cheefe of his company. And after some few 
days entertainmente, he returned to his barke, and 
some of them wente with him, and bought sundry of 
his goods ; after which begining thus made, they sente 
often times to y* same place, and had entercourse to- 
geather for diverce years ; and amongst other comodi- 
ties, they vended [158] much tobaco for linen cloath, 
stuffs, &c., which was a good benefite to y* people, 
till the Virginians found out their plantation. But 
that which turned most to their profite, in time, was 
an entrance into the trade of Wampampeake ; for they 

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282 HISTORT OF [book II. 

now bought abonte 50**- worth of it of them; and they 
tould them how vendable it was at their forte Orania; 
and did perswade them they would find it so at Kene- 
beck; and so it came to pass in time, though at first 
it stuck, & it was 2. years before they could put of 
this small quantity, till y* inland people knew of it; 
and afterwards they could scarce ever gett enough for 
them, for many years togeather. And so this, with 
their other provissions, cutt of they trade quite from 
y* fisher-men, and in great part from other of y strag- 
ling planters. And strange it was to see the great all- 
teration it made in a few years amonge y® Indeans 
them selves ; for all the Indeans of these parts, & y^ 
Massachussets, had none or very litle of it,* but y* 
sachems & some spetiall persons that wore a litle of 
it for ornamente. Only it was made & kepte amonge 
y* Nariganssets, & Pequents, which grew rich & potent 
by it, and these people were poore & begerly, and had 
no use of it. Neither did the English of this planta- 
tion, or any other in y** land, till now that they had 
knowledg of it from y* Dutch, so much as know what 
it was, much less y^ it was a comoditie of that worth 
& valew. But after it grue thus to be a comoditie 
in these parts, these Indeans fell into it allso. and to 

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20. years, and it may prove a dnigg in time. In y^ 
mean time it maks y® Indeans of these parts rich & 
power full and also prowd therby; and fills them with 
peeces, powder, and shote, which no laws can restraine, 
by reasone of y® bassnes of sundry unworthy persons, 
both English, Dutch, & French, which may turne to 
y* mine of many. Hithertoo y* Indeans of these parts 
had no peeces nor other armes but their bowes & 
arrowes, nor of many years after; nether durst they 
scarce handle a gune, so much were they affraid of 
them ; and y* very sight of one (though out of kilter) 
was a terrour unto them. But those Indeans to y*" east 
parts, which had comerce with y* French, got peces of 
them, and they in y* end made a commone trade of it ; 
and in time our English fisher-men, led with y^ like 
covetoussnes, followed their example, for their owne 
gaine; but upon complainte against them, it pleased 
the kings majestic to prohibite y* same by a stricte 
proclaimation, commanding that no sorte of armes, or 
munition, should by any of his subjects be traded with 

Aboute some 3. or 4. years before this time, ther 
came over one Captaine Wolastone, (a man of pretie 
parts,) and with him 3. or 4. more of some eminencie, 
who brought with them a great many servants, with 
provissions & other implments for to begine a planta- 
tion ; and pitched them selves in a place within the 
Massachusets, which they called, after their Captains 

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284 HISTORY OP [book u. 

name, Mount- Wollaston. Amongst whom was one M*". 
Morton, who, it should seeme, had some small adventure 
(of his owne or other mens) amongst them; but had 
litle respecte [159 J amongst them, and was sleghted 
by y* meanest servants. Haveing continued ther some 
time, and not finding things to answer their expecta- 
tions, nor profite to arise as they looked for, Captaine 
Wollaston takes a great part of y* sarvants, and trans- 
ports them to Virginia, wher he puts them of at good 
rates, selling their time to other men; and writs back 
to one M*^. Bassdall, one of his cheefe partners, and 
accounted their marchant, to bring another parte of 
them to Verginia likewise, intending to put them of 
ther as he had done y* rest. And he, w^ y® consente 
of y® said Easdall, appoynted one Fitcher to be his 
Livetenante, and goveme y® remaines of y* planta- 
tion, till he or Rasdall returned to take further order 
theraboute. But this Morton abovesaid, haveing more 
craft then honestie, (who had been a kind of petie- 
fogger, of Fumefells Inne,) in y* others absence, 
watches an oppertunitie, (commons being but hard 
amongst them,) and gott some strong drinck & other 
junkats, & made them a feast; and after they were 
merie, he begane to tell them, he would give them 

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advise you to thniste out this Levetenant Pitcher; and 
I, having a parte in the plantation, will receive you 
as my partners and consociats; so may you be free 
from service, and we will * converse, trad, plante, & 
live togeather as equalls, & supporte & protecte one 
another, or to like effecte. This counsell was easily 
received; so they tooke oppertunitie, and thrust Leve- 
tenante Fitcher out a dores, and would sulflfer him to 
come no more amongst them, but forct him to seeke 
bread to eate, and other releefe from his neigbours, 
till he could gett passages for England. After -this 
they fell to great licencionsnes, and led a dissolute 
life, powering out them selves into all profanenes. 
And Morton became lord of misrule, and maintained 
(as it were) a schoole of Athisme. And after they 
had gott some good into their hands, and gott much 
by trading with y® Indeans, they spent it as vainly, 
in quaffing & drinking both wine & strong waters in 
great exsess, and, as some reported, 10**. worth in a 
morning. They allso set up a May-pole, drinking and 
dancing aboute it many days togeather, inviting the 
Indean women, for their consorts, dancing and frisk- 
ing togither, (like so many fairies, or furies rather,) 
and worse practises. As if they had anew revived & 
celebrated the feasts of y** Roman Goddes Flora, or 
y*^ beasly pmctieses of y® madd Bacchinalians. Mor- 
ton likwise (to shew his poetrie) composed sundry 
rimes & verses, some tending to lasciviousnes, and 

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286 HISTORY OF [book U, 

others to y^ detraction & scandall of some persons, 
which he affixed to this idle or idoll May-polle. They 
chainged allso the name of their place, and in stead 
of calling it Mounte Wollaston, they call it Merie- 
mounte, [160] as if this joylity would have lasted 
ever. But this continued not long, for after Morton 
was sent for England, (as follows to be declared,) 
shortly after came over that worthy gentlman, M'. 
John Indecott, who brought over a patent under y* 
broad seall, for y* govermente of y® Massachusets, who 
visifing those parts caused y* May-polle to be cutt 
downe, and rebuked them for their profannes, and 
admonished them to looke ther should be better walk- 
ing ; so they now, or others, changed y® name of their 
place againe, and called it Mounte-Dagon. 

Now to maintaine this riotous prodigallitie and pro- 
ftise excess, Morton, thinking him selfe lawless, and 
hearing what gaine y* French & fisher-men made by 
trading of peeces, powder, & shotte to y® Indeans, he, 
as y* head of this consortship, begane y® practise of y* 
same in these parts; and first he taught them how to 
use them, to charge, & discharg, and what proportion 
of powder to give y® peece, according to y® sise or 
bignes of y® same; and what shotte to use for foule, 

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swiftaes of foote, & nimblnes of body, being abo 
quick-sighted, and by coatinaall exercise well know- 
ing y* bants of all sorts of game. So as when they 
saw y* execution that a peece would doe, and y* bene- 
fite that might come by y^ same, they became madd, 
as it were, after them, and would not stick to give 
any prise they could attaine too for them ; account- 
ing their bowes & arrowes but babies in comparison 
of them. 

And here I may take occasion to bewaile y* mis- 
chefe that this wicked man began in these parts, and 
which since base covetousnes prevailing in men that 
should know better, has now at length gott y^ upper 
hand, and made this thing comone, notwithstanding any 
laws to y* contrary ; so as y* Indeans are full of peeces 
all over, both fouling peeces, muskets, pistols, &c. 
They have also their moulds to make shotte, of all 
sorts, as muskett bulletts, pistoU bullets, swane & gose 
shote, & of smaler sorts; yea, some have seen them 
have their scruplats to make scrupins them selves, when 
they wante them, with sundery other implements, wher- 
with they are ordinarily better fited & furnished then 
y® English them selves. Yea, it is well knowne that 
they will have powder & shot, when the English want 
it, nor cannot gett it ; and y' in a time of warr or 
danger, as experience hath manifested, that when lead 
hath been scarce, and men for their owne defence would 
gladly have given a groat a li., which is dear enoughe, 

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288 HISTORY OF [book U. 

yet hath it bene bought up & sent to other places, 
and sould to shuch as trade it with y^ Indeans, at 
12. pence y^ ti. ; and it is like they give 3. or 4.' y* 
pound, for they will have it at any rate. And these | 

things have been done in y® same times, when some oi 
their neigbours & freinds are daly killed by y® Indeans, I 

or are in deanger therof^ and live but at y® Indeans 
mercie. [161] Yea, some (as they have aquainted them 
with all other things) have tould them how gunpowder 
is made, and all y^ materialls in it, and that they are 
to be had in their owne land; and I am confidente, 
could they attaine to make saltpeter, they would teach 
them to make powder. O the horiblnes of this vilanie ! 
how many both Dutch & English have been latly slaine 
by those Indeans, thus furnished ; and no remedie pro- 
vided, nay, y* evill more increased, and y* blood of 
their brethren sould for gaine, as is to be feared; and 
in what danger all these colonies are in is too well 
known. Oh! that princes & parlements would take 
some timly order to prevente this mischeefe, and at 
length to suppress it, by some exemplerie punishmente 
upon some of these gaine thirstie murderers, (for they 
deserve no better title,) before their collonies in these 
parts be over throwne by these barbarous savages, thus 
armed with their owne weapons, by these evill instru- 
ments, and traytors to their neigbors and cuntrie. But 

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thus taught them y^ use of peeces, he sould them all 
he could spare; and he and his consorts detirmined 
to send for many out of England, and had by some 
of y® ships sente for above a score. The which being 
knowne, and his neigbours meeting y^ Indeans in y^ 
woods armed with guns in this sorte, it was a terrour 
unto them, who lived straglingly, and were of no 
strenght in any place. And other places (though more 
remote) saw this mischeefe would quietly spread over 
all, if not prevented. Besides, they saw they should 
keep no servants, for Morton would entertaine any, 
how vile soever, and all y* scume of y® countrie, or 
any discontents, would flock to him from all places, 
if this nest was not broken; and they should stand 
in more fear of their lives & goods (in short time) 
from this wicked & deboste crue, then from y® sal- 
vages them selves. 

So sundrie of y* cheefe of y* stragling plantations, 
meeting togither, agreed by mutuall consente to sollissite 
those of Plimoth (who were then of more strength then 
them all) to joyne with them, to prevente y^ further 
grouth of this mischeefe, and suppress Morton & his 
consortes before y*^ grewe to further head and strength. 
Those that joyned in this acction (and after contributed 
to y* charge of sending him for England) were from 
Pascataway, Namkeake, Winisimett, Weesagascusett, 
Natasco, and other places wher any English were seated. 
Those of Plimoth being thus sought too by their mes- 

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290 mSTORY OF [book II. 

sengers & letters, and waying both their reasons, and 
the comone danger, were willing to alSbrd them their 
help; though them selves had least cause of fear or 
hurte. So, to be short, they first resolved joyntly to 
write to him, and in a freindly & neigborly way 
to admonish him to forbear these courses, & sent 
a messenger with their letters to bring his answer. 
But he was so highe as he scorned all advise, and 
asked who had to doe with him; he had and would 
trade peeces with y' Indeans in dispite of all, with 
many other scarillous termes full of disdaine. They 
sente to him a second time, and bad him be better 
advised, and more temperate in his termes, for y® 
countrie could not beare y^ injure he did; it was 
against their comone saftie, and against y® king's proc- 
lamation. He answerd in high terms as before, and 
that y* kings proclaimation was no law; demanding 
what penaltie was upon it. It was answered, more 
then he could [162] bear, his majesties displeasure. 
But insolently he persisted, and said y' king was dead 
and his displeasui*e with him, & many y® like things; 
and threatened withall that if any came to molest 
him, let them looke to them selves, for he would pre- 
pare for them. Upon which they saw ther was no 
way but to take him by force ; and having so farr 

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Captaine Standish, & some other aide with him, to 
take Morton by force. The which accordingly was 
done; bat they found him to stand stifly in his de- 
fence, having made fast his dors, armed his consorts, 
set diverse dishes of powder & bullets ready on y® 
table ; and if they had not been over armed with drinke, 
more hurt might have been done. They somaned him 
to yeeld, but he kept his house, and they could gett 
nothing but scofes & scorns from him; but at length, 
fearing they would doe some violence to y* house, he 
and some of his crue came out, but not to yeeld, but 
to shoote ; but they were so steeld with drinke as their 
peeces were to heavie for them; him se^fe with a car- 
bine (over charged & allmost halfe fild with powder 
& shote, as was after found) had thought to have shot 
Captaine Standish; but he stept to him, & put by his 
peece, & tooke him. Neither was ther any hurte done 
to any of either side, save y* one was so drunke y* he 
rane his owne nose upon y® pointe of a sword y* one 
held before him as he entred y* house; but he lost 
but a litle of his hott blood. Morton they brought 
away to Plimoth, wher he was kepte, till a ship went 
from y® He of Shols for England, with which he was 
sente to y® Counsell of New-England ; and letters writen 
to give them information of his course & cariage ; and 
also one was sent at their comone charge to informe 
their Ho" more perticulerly, & to prosecute against 
him. But he foold of y* messenger, after he was gone 

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from hence, and though he wente for England, yet 
nothing was done to him, not so much as rebukte, for 
ought was heard; but returned y^ nexte year. Some 
of y® worst of y® company were disperst, and some 
of y* more modest kepte y* house till he should be 
heard from. But I have been too long aboute so un- 
worthy a person, and bad a cause. 

This year M^ Allerton brought over a yonge man 
for a minister to y"" people hear, wheather upon his 
owne head, or at y* motion of some freinds ther, I 
well know not, but it was without y® churches send- 
ing; for they had bene so bitten by M^ Lyford, as 
they desired to know y* person well whom they should 
invite amongst them. His name was M^ Rogers; but 
they perceived, upon some trial!, that he was erased in 
his braine; so they were faine to be at further charge 
to send him back againe y^ nexte year, and loose all 
y^ charge that was expended in his hither bringing, 
which was not smalle by M*^. Allerton's accounte, in 
provissions, aparell, bedding, &c. Afiber his retume 
he grue quite distracted, and M"". Allerton was much 
blamed y* he would bring such a man over, they hav- 
ing charge enough otherwise. 

M"^. Allerton, in y® years before, had brought over < 

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vice, and also he scald them among y® people at j^ 
plantation, by which their wants were supplied, and 
he aledged it was the [163] love of M^ Sherley and 
some other freinds that would needs trust him with 
some goods, conceiveing it might doe him some good, 
and none hnrte, it was not much lookt at, but past 
over. But this year he brought over a greater quan- 
titie, and they were so intermixte with y® goods of 
y® generall, as they knew not which were theirs, & 
w*'** was his, being pact up together; so as they well 
saw that, if any casualty had beefalne at sea, he might 
have laid y* whole on them, if he would ; for ther was 
no distinction. Allso what was most vendible, and 
would yeeld presente pay, usualy that was his; and 
he now begane allso to sell abroad to others of forine 
places, which, considering their comone course, they 
began to dislike. Yet because love thinkes no evill, 
nor is susspitious, they tooke his faire words for ex- 
cuse, and resolved to send him againe this year for 
England; considering how well he had done y® former 
bussines, and what good acceptation he had with their 
freinds ther; as also seeing sundry of their freinds 
from Leyden were sente for, which would or might 
be much furthered by his means. Againe, seeing the 
patente for Kenebeck must be inlarged, by reason of 
y^ former mistaks in the bounding of it, and it was 
conceived, in a maner, y® same charge would serve to 
inlarge this at home with it, and he that had begane 

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294 HiSTORr OP [book u. 

y« former y® last year would be y® fittest to effecte 
this; 80 they gave him instructions and sente him 
for England this year againe. And in his instructions 
bound him to bring over no goods on their accounte, 
but 50^. in hose & shoes, and some linen cloth, (as 
yey were bound by covenante when they tooke y* 
trad;) also some trading goods to such a value; and 
in no case to exseed his instructions, nor rune them 
into any further charge; he well knowing how their 
state stood. Also y* he should so provide y* their 
trading goods came over betimes, and what so ever 
was sent on their accounte should be pact up by it 
selfe, marked with their marke, and no other goods 
to be mixed with theirs. For so he prayed them to 
give him such instructions as they saw good, and he 
would folow them, to prevente any jellocie or farther 
offence, upon the former forementioned dislikes. And 
thus they conceived they had well provided for all 

Anno Bom: 1629. 
M". Allerton safly arriving in England, and deliv- 
ering his leters to their freinds their, and aquainting 
them with his instructions, found good acceptation with 
them, and they were very forward & vnlling to joyne 

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could be ready to come. They had passage with y* 
ships that came to Salem, that brought over many 
godly persons to begine y^ plantations & churches of 
Christ ther, & in y*^ Bay of Massachussets ; so their 
long stay & keeping back [164] was recompensed by 
y* Lord to ther freinds here with a duble blessing, 
in that they not only injoyed them now beyond ther 
late expectation, (when all their hops seemed to be 
cutt of,) but, with them, many more godly freinds 
& Christian breethren, as y® begining of a larger har- 
vest unto y* Lord, in y* increase of his churches & 
people in these parts, to y® admiration of many, and 
allmost wonder of y* world; that of so small begin- 
ings so great things should insue, as time after mani- 
fested; and that here should be a resting place for so 
many of y* Lords people, when so sharp a scourge 
came upon their owne nation. But it was y® Lords 
doing, & it ought to be marvellous in our eyes. 

But I shall hear inserte some of their freinds letters, 
which doe best expresse their owne minds in these thir 

A leter of M\ SherUys to y GoxT. 

May 25, 1629.» 
S': &o. Here are now many of your and our freinds 
from Leyden coming over, who, though for y* most parte 
be but a weak company, yet herein is a good parte of that 

* 1629, May 25, the first letter oonceming the former company of Leyden 
people.— fVince. 

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296 HISTORY OP [book II. 

end obtained which was aimed at, and which hath been so 
strongly opposed by some of oar former adventurers. Bat 
God hath his working in these things, which man cannot 
frustrate. With them we have allso sent some servants in 
y* ship called the Talbat, that wente hence latly; bat these 
come in y* May-flower. M'. Beachamp & my selfe, with 
M'. Andrews & M'. Hatherly, are, with your love and lik- 
ing, joyned partners with you, &c. 

Your deputation we have received, and y* goods have 
been taken up & sould by your freind & agente, M'. AUer- 
ton, my selfe having bine nere 3. months in Holland, at 
Amsterdam & other parts in y* Low-Countries. I see further 
the agreemente you have made with y* generallitie, in which 
I cannot understand but you have done very well, both for 
them & you, and also for your freinds at Leyden. M^ 
Beachamp, M^ Andrews, M^ Hatherley, & my selfe, doe 
so like and approve of it, as we are willing to joyne with 
you, and, God directing and inabling us, will be assisting 
and helpfuU to you, y* best y' possiblie we can. Nay, had 
you not taken this course, I doe not see how you should 
accomplish y^ end you first aimed at, and some others in- 
devored these years past. We know it must keep us from 
y* profite, which otherwise by y* blessing of God and your 
indeaours, might be gained; for most of those that came 
in May, & these now sente, though I hope honest & good 
people, yet not like to be helpfuU to raise profite, but rather, 
ney, certaine must, some while, be chargable to you & us; 
at which it is lickly, had not this wise & discreete course 

1 J 

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298 msTOEY OP [book n. 

their traDsportation from Holland to England, & their 
charges lying ther, and passages hither, with clothing 
provided for them. For I find by accounte for y* one 
company, 125. yeards of karsey, 127. eUons of linen 
cloath, shoes, 66. p% with many other perticulers. The 
charge of y® other company is reckoned on y* severall 
fiimilies, some 50**., some 40**., some 30"., and so more 
or less, as their number & expencess were. And besids 
all this charg, their freinds & bretheren here were to 
provid come & other provissions for them, till they 
could reap a crope which was long before. Those that 
came in May were thus maintained upward of 16. or 18. 
months, before they had any harvest of their owne, & 
y® other by pro[>ortion. And all they could doe in y* 
mean time was to gett them some housing, and prepare 
them grounds to plant on, against the season. And 
this charg of maintaining them all this while was litle 
less then y^ former sume. These things I note more 
perticulerly, for sundry regards. First, to shew a rare 
example herein of brotherly love, and Christian care 
in performing their promises and covenants to their 
bretheren, too, & in a sorte beyonde their power; 
that they should venture so desperatly to ingage them 
selves to accomplish this thing, and bear it so cheer- 
jfiilly; for they never demanded, much less had, any 
repaymente of all these great sumes thus disbursed. 
2^^. It must needs be that ther was more then of man 
in these acheevements, that should thus readily stire up 

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y^ harts of shuch able frinds to joyne in partnership 
with them in shuch a case, and cleave so faithfullie 
to them as these did, in so great adventures; and the 
more because the most of them never saw their faces 
to this day; ther being neither kindred, aliance, or 
other acquaintance or relations betweene any of them, 
then hath been before mentioned; it must needs be 
therfore the spetiall worke and hand of God. 3'^. 
That these poore people here in a wilderness should, 
notwithstanding, be inabled in time to repay all these 
ingagments, and many more unjustly brought upon 
them through the unfaithfiillnes of some, and many 
other great losses which they sustained, which will be 
made manifest, if y® Lord be pleased to give life and 
time. In y^ mean time, I cannot but admire his ways 
and workes towards his servants, and humbly desire 
to blesse his holy name for his great mercies hithertoo. 
[166] The Leyden people being thus come over, and 
sundry of y® generalitie seeing & hearing how great y* 
charg was like to be that was that way to be expended, 
they begane to murmure and repine at it, notwith- 
standing y* burden lay on other mens shoulders; 
espetially at y® paying of y* 3. bushells of corne 
a year, according to y* former agreemente, when y* 
trad was lett for y* 6. years aforesaid. But to give 
them contente herein allso, it was promised them, that 
if they could doe it in y® time without it, they would 
never demand it of them; which gave them good con- 

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300 HISTOBT OP [book II. 

tente. And indeed it never was paid, as will appeare 
by y* sequell. 

Concerning M'. Allertons proceedings about y* in- 
larging & confirming of their patent, both y^ at home 
& Eenebeck, will best appere by another leter of 
M^ Sherleys; for though much time & money was 
expended aboute it, yet he left it unaccom()lisht this 
year, and came without it. See M'. Sherleys letter. 

Most worthy & loving freinds, &c. 

Some of yoar letters I received in July, & some since 
by M'. Peirce, but till our maine bussines, y* patent, was 
granted, I could not setle my mind nor pen to writing. M^ 
Allerton was so turrmoyled about it, as verily I would not 
nor could not have undergone it, if I might have had a 
thousand pounds; but y* Lord so blessed his laboui*s (even 
beyond expectation in these evill days) as he obtained y* 
love & favore of great men in repute & place. He got 
granted from y' Earle of Warwick & S'. Ferdinando Gorge 
all that M'. Winslow desired in his letters to me, & more 
also, which I leave to him to relate. Then he sued to y* 
king to confirme their grante, and to make you a corporation, 
and so to inable you to make & execute lawes, in such 
large & ample maner as y® Massachusett plantation hath it; 
which y^ king graciously granted, referring it to y* Lord 
Keeper to give order to y* solisiter to draw it up, if ther 
were a presidente for it. So y' Lord Keeper furthered it all 
he could, and allso y* solissiter ; but as Festus said to Paule, 
With no small sume of money obtained I this freedom ; for 
by y* way many ridells must be resolved, and many locks 

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for freeing y* custume for a certaine time ; but be would 
not doe it, but reflPerd it to y* Counsell table. And ther 
M'. AUerton atended day by day, when they sate, but could 
not gett his petition read. And by reason of M'. Peirce 
his staying with all y* passengers at Bristoll, he was forot 
to leave y* fuither prosecuting of it to a solissiter. But ther 
is no fear nor doubte but it will be granted, for he hath y* 
cheefe of them to freind; yet it will be marvelously need- 
full for him to returne by y* first ship y' comes from thence ; 
for if you had this confirmed, then were you compleate, 
and might bear such sway & goverment as were fitt for 
your ranke & place y' God hath called you unto; and stope 
y* moueths of base and scurrulous fellowes, y' are ready 
to question & threaten you in every action you [167] doe. 
And besids, if you have y* custome free for 7. years inward, 
& 21. outward, y* chaise of y* patent will be soone re- 
covered, and ther is no fear of obtaining* it. But such 
things must work by degrees; men cannot hasten it as they 
would; werefore we (I write in behalfe of all our partnei*s 
here) desire you to be emest with M'. Allerton to come, 
and his wife to spare him this one year more, to finish this 
great & waighty bussines, which we conceive will be much 
for your good, & I hope for your posteritie, and for many 
generations to come. 

Thus much of this letter. It was dated y* 19. March, 

By which it appears what progress was made herein, 
& in part what charge it was, and how left unfinished, 
and some reason of y® same ; but in truth (as was 

« This word is here substituted for recovering in the maDuscript, on the 
authority of Bradford's Letter-Book. 

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302 HISTORY OP [book U. 

afterwards appehended) the meaine reason was M', 
AUerton's policie, to have an opportunitie to be sent 
over againe, for other regards ; and for that end pro- 
cured them thus to write. For it might then well 
enough have been finshed, if not with y* clause aboute 
y^'custumes, which was M^ AUertons & M^ Sherleys 
device, and not at all thought on by y* colony here, 
nor much regarded, yet it might have been done with- 
out it, without all queston, having passed y® kings hand ; 
nay it was conceived it might then have beene done 
with it, if he had pleased ; but covetousnes never brings 
ought home, as y* proverb is, for this oppertunytie 
being lost, it was never accomplished, but a great deale 
of money veainly & lavishly cast away aboute it, as 
doth appear upon their accounts. But of this more in 
its place. 

M''. Alerton gave them great and just ofence in this 
(which I had omited* and almost forgotten), — in 
bringing over this year, for base gaine, that unworthy 
man, and instrumente of mischeefe, Morton, who was 
sent home but y® year before for his misdemenors. He 
not only brought him over, but to y® towne (as it were 
to nose them), and lodged him at his owne house, and 
for a while used him as a scribe to doe his bussines, 
till he was caused to pack him away. So he wente to 

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but by his miscariage he gave them just occation to 
lay hands on him; and he was by them againe sent 
prisoner into England, wher he lay a good while in 
Exeter Jeole. For besids his miscariage here, he was 
vemently suspected for y® murder of a man that had 
adventured moneys with him, when he came first into 
New-England. And a warrente was sente from y* Lord 
Cheefe Justice to apprehend him^ by vertue wherof he 
was by the Gov^ of y^ Massachusets sent into England ; 
and for other his misdemenors amongst them, they 
demolisht his house, that it might be no longer a roost 
for shuch unclaine birds to nestle in. Yet he got free 
againe, and write an infamouse & seurillous booke 
against many godly & cheefe men of y* cuntrie; full 
of lyes & slanders, and fraight with profane callumnies 
against their names and persons, and y* ways of 
God. After sundry years, when y® warrs were hott 
in England, he came againe into y*' cuntrie, and was 
imprisoned at Boston for this booke and other things, 
being grown old in wickednes. 

Concerning y* rest of M*". AUertons instructions, in 
which they strictly injoyned him not to exceed above 
yV50**. in y'' goods before mentioned, not to bring any 
but trading comodities, he followed them not at all, 
but did the quite contrarie; bringing over many other 
sorts of retaile goods, selling what he could by the 
way on his owne accounte, and delivering the rest, 
which he said to be theirs, into y* store; and for 

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trading goods brought but litle in comparison ; excusing 
the matter, they had laid out much about y^ Laiden 
people, & patent, &c. And for other goods, they had 
much of them of ther owne dealings, without present 
disbursemente, & to like effect. And as for passing 
his bounds & instructions, he laid it on M**. Sherley, 
&c., who, he said, they might see his mind in his 
leters; also that they had sett out Ashley at great 
charg; but next year they should have what trading 
goods they would send for, if things were now well 
setled, &c. And thus were they put off; indeed M'. 
Sherley write things tending this way, but it is like he 
was overruled by M^. AUerton, and barkened more to 
him then to their letters from hence. 
Thus he further writs in y^ former leter. 

I see what you write in your leters coneeming y* over- 
coming & paying of our debts, which I confess are great, 
and had need be carfully looked unto; yet no doubt but 
we, joyniug in love, may soone over-corae them; but we 
must follow it roundly & to purposs, for if we pedle out 
y* time of our trad, others will step in and nose us. But 
we know y* you have y* aquaintance & experience in y* coun- 
trie, as none have the like ; wherfore, freinds & partners, be 
no way discouraged with y* greatues of y* debt, &c., but let 
us not fulfill y* proverbe, to bestow 12'*. on a puree, and put 

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billitie of good if you be well supplied, and fully furnished ; 
and cheefly if you lovingly agree. I know I write to godly 
and wise men, such as have lemed to bear one an others 
infirmities, and rejoyce at any ones prosperities; and if 
I were able I would press this more, because it is hoped 
by some of your enimies, that you will fall out one with 
another, and so over throw your hopfull bussines. Nay, 
I have heard it crediblie reported, y* some have said, that 
till you be disjoynted by discontents & factions* amongst 
your sellves, it bootes not any to goe over, in hope of getting 
or doing good in those parts. But we hope beter things of 
you, and that you will not only bear one with another, but 
banish such thoughts, and not sufifer them to lodg in your 
brests. God grant you may disappointe y* hopes of your 
foes, and procure y* hartie desh-e of your selves & freinds 
in this perticuler. 

By this it appears that ther was a kind of concurrance 
betweene M^ AllertoD and them in these things, and 
that they gave more regard to his way & course in 
these things, then to y® advise from hence ; which made 
him bould to presume above his instructions, and to 
rune on in y® course he did, to their greater hurt after- 
wards, as will appear. These things did much trouble 
them hear, but they well knew not how to help it, 
being loath to make any breach or contention hear 
aboute; being so premonished as before in y* leter 
above recited. An other more secrete cause was here- 
with concurrente; M^ Allerton had maried y® daughter 
of their Reverend Elder, M^ Brewster (a man beloved 

* Fraetumt io the manascript. 

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306 HISTORY OF [book II^. 

& honoured amongst them, and who tooke great paines 
in teaching & dispenceing y* word of God unto them), 
whom they were loath to greeve or any way offend, 
so as they bore with much in that respecte. And with 
all M'. AUerton carried so faire with him, and procured 
such leters from M'. Sherley to him, with shuch ap- 
plause of M^. AUertons wisdom, care, and faithfullnes, 
in y^ bussines; and as things stood none were so fitte 
to send aboute them as he ; and if any should suggest 
other wise, it was rather out of envie, or some other 
sinister respecte then other wise. Besids, thou^ pri- 
vate gaine, I doe perswade my selfe, was some cause 
to lead M'. Allerton aside in these beginings, yet I 
thinke, or at least charitie caries me to hope, that he 
intended to deale faithfully with them in y* maine, and 
had such an opinion of his owne abillitie, and some 
experience of y* benefite that he had made in this 
singuler way, as he conceived he might both raise him 
selfe an estate, and allso be a means to bring in such 
profite to M^ Sherley, (and it may be y^ rest,) as 
might be as lickly to bring in their moneys againe 
with advantage, and it may be sooner then from the 
generall way; or at least it was looked upon by some 
of them to be a good help ther unto ; and that neither 
he nor any other did intend to charge y* generall 
accounte with any thing that rane in perticuler; or 
y' M'. Sherley or any other did purposs but y' y* 
generall should be first & fully supply ed. I say charitie 

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makes me thus conceive; though things fell out other 
wise, and they missed of their aimes, and y generall 
suffered abundantly hereby, as will afterwards apear. 

[169] Togeither herewith sorted an other bussines 
contrived by M'. AUerton and them ther, w^^out any 
knowledg of y® partners, and so farr proceeded in as 
they were constrained to allow therof, and joyne in 
y^ same, though they had no great liking of it, but 
feared what might be y* evente of y® same. I shall 
relate it in a further part of M^ Sherley*s leter as 

I am to aqnainte you that we have thought good to joyne 
with one Edward Ashley (a man I thinke y' some of you 
know) ; but it is only of y' place wherof he hath a patente 
in M'. Beachamps name; and to that end have furaished 
him with larg pi-ovissions, &c. Now if you please to be 
partners with us in this, we are willing you shall; for after 
we heard how forward Bristol! men (and as I hear some 
able men of his owne kindrid) have been to stock <& sup- 
ply him, hoping of profite, we thought it fitter for us to lay 
hould of such an opportunitie, and to keep a kind of runing 
plantation, then others who have not borne y* burthen of 
setling a plantation, as we have done. And he, on y^ other 
side, like an understanding yonge man, thought it better to 
joyne with those y' had means by a plantation to supply 
Sc back him ther, rather then strangers, that looke but only 
after profite. Now it is not kuowne that you are partners 

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308 HISTORY OP [book II. 

take it in our names. And now, as I said before, if yon 
please to joyne with us, we are willing you should. M'. 
Allerton had no power from you to make this new con- 
tracte, neither was he willing to doe any thing therin with- 
out your consente & approbation. M^ William Peirce is 
joyned with us in this, for we thought it very conveniente, 
because of landing Ashley and his goods ther, if God please ; 
and he will bend his course accordingly. He hath a new 
boate with him, and boards to make another, with 4. or 5. 
lustie fellowes, wherof one is a carpenter. Now in case 
you are not willing in this perticuler to joyne with us, fear- 
ing y* charge & doubting y* success, yet thus much we in- 
treate of you, to afford him all the help you can, either by 
men, commodities, or boats; yet not but y* we will pay 
you for any thing he hath. And we desire you to keep 
y® accounts apart, though you joyne with us; becase ther 
is, as you see, other partners in this then y* other; so, for 
all mens wages, boats-hire, or comodities, which we shall 
have of you, make him debtore for it; and what you shall 
have of him, make y* plantation or your selves debtore 
for it to him, and so ther will need no mingling of y* ac- 

And now, loving freinds & partners, if you joyne in Ashles 
patent & bussines, though we have laid out y* money and 
taken up much to stock this bussines & the other, yet I 
thinke it conscionable and reasonable y* you should beare 
your shares and proportion of y® stock, if not by present 
money, yet by securing us for so much as it shall come 
too ; for it is not barly y' interest y' is to be alowed & con- 
sidered of, but allso y* adventure; though I hope in God, 

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put too his shoulder, and y* burthen will be the lighter. 
I know you are so honest & conseionable men, as you will 
consider hereof, [170] and retume shuch an answer as may 
give good satisfaction. Ther is none of us that would ven- 
ture as we have done, were it not to strengthen <& setle you 
more then our owne perticuler protite. 

Ther is no liclyhood of doing any good in buying y* debte 
for y* purchas. I know some will not abate y* interest, and 
therfore let it rune its courae; they are to be paied yearly, 
and so I hope they shall, according to agreemente. The 
Lord grant y' our loves & affections may still be united, 
and knit togeither ; and so we rest your ever loving friends, 

James Sherlet. 
Timothy Hathbrley. 

Bristoll, March 19. 1629. 

This mater of y* buying y* debts of y* purchass 
was parte of M^ Allertons instructions, and in many 
of them it might have been done to good profite for 
ready pay (as some were) ; but M*". Sherley had no 
mind to it. But this bussines aboute Ashley did not 
a litle trouble them ; for though he had wite & abillitie 
enough to menage y® bussines, yet some of them knew 
him to be a very profane yonge man ; and he had for 
some time lived amonge y* Indeans as a savage, & 
wente naked amongst them, and used their maners (in 
w^** time he got their language), so they feared he 
might still rune into evill courses (though he prom- 
ised better), and God would not prosper his ways. 
As soone as he was landed at y** place intended, oaled 
Penobscote, some 4. score leagues from this place, he 

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310 HISTORY OF [book II. 

write (& afterwards came) for to desire to be sui>- 
plyed with Wampampeake, come against winter, and 
other things. They considered these were of their 
cheefe comodities, and would be continually needed by 
him, and it would much prejudice their owne trade 
at Kenebeck if they did . not joyne with him in y® 
ordering of things, if thus they should supply him; 
and on y® other hand, if they refused to joyne with 
him, and allso to afford any supply unto him, they 
should greatly offend their above named friends, and 
might hapily lose them hereby; and he and M*". AUer- 
ton, laying their craftie wits togither, might gett sup- 
plies of these things els wher; besids, they considered 
that if they joyned not in y* 'bussines, they knew M'. 
AUerton would be with them in it, & so would swime, 
as it were, betweene both, to y® prejudice of boath, 
but of them selves espetially. For they had reason 
to thinke this bussines was cheefly of his contriving, 
and Ashley was a man fitte for his tume and dealings. 
So they, to prevente a worse mischeefe, resolved to 
joyne in y® bussines, and gave him supplies in what 
they could, & overlooked his proceedings as well as 
they could; the which they did y® better, by joyning 
an honest yonge man,* that came from Ley den, with 

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keept Ashley in some good mesare within bounds. 
And so they returned their answer to their freinds 
in England, that they accepted of their motion, and 
joyned with them in Ashleys bussines; and yet with* 
all tould them what their fears were concerning 

But when they came to have fall notice of all y* 
goods brought them that year, they saw they fell very 
short of trading goods, and Ashley farr better sup- 
pleyed then [171] themselves; so as they were forced 
to buy of the fisher men to furnish them selves, yea, 
& cottens & carseys & other such like cloath (for 
want of trading cloath) of M^ Allerton himselfe, and 
so to put away a great parte of their beaver, at under 
rate, in the countrie, which they should have sente 
home, to help to discharge their great ingagementes ; 
which was to their great vexation ; but M'. Allerton 
prayed them to be contente, and y® nexte yere they 
might have what they would write for. And their in- 
gagmentes of this year were great indeed when they 
came to know them, (which was not wholy till 2. 
years after) ; and that which made them y* more, M'. 
Allerton had taken up some large sumes at Bristoll at 
50. p' cent, againe, which he excused, that he was 
forcte to it, because other wise he could at y* spring 
of year get no goods transported, such were their 
envie against their trade. But wheither this was any 
more then an excuse, some of them doubted ; but how- 

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312 HISTORY OF [book II. 

ever, y^ burden did lye on their backs, and they most 
bear it, as they did many heavie loads more in y* 

This paying of 50. p' cent, and dificulty of having 
their goods trasported by y^ fishing ships at y^ first 
of y® year, (as was beleeved,) which was y* cheefe 
season for trade, -put them upon another projecte. M^ 
AUerton, after y* fishing season was over, light of a 
bargan of salte, at a good fishing place, and bought 
it; which came to aboute 113^.; and shortly after he 
might have had 30^. cleare profite for it, without any 
more trouble aboute it. But M^ Winslow coming that 
way from Eenebeck, & some other of ther partners 
with him in y* barke, they mett with M^ AUerton, 
and falling into discourse with him, they stayed him 
from selling y^ salte; and resolved, if it might please 
y* rest, to keep it for them selves, and to hire a ship 
in y* west cuntrie to come on fishing for them, on 
shares, according to y^ coustome ; and seeing she might 
have her salte here ready, and a stage ready builte 
& fitted wher the salt lay safely landed & housed.' 
In stead of bringing salte, they might stowe her full 
of trading goods, as bread, pease, cloth, &c., and so 
they might have a full supply of goods without paing 
fraight, and in due season, which might tume greatly to 
their advantage. Coming home, this was propounded, 
and considered on, and aproved by all but y* Gov% 
who had no mind to it, seeing they had allway lost 

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by fishing; but j^ rest were so eniest, as thinkeing 
that they might gaine well by y^ fishing in this way; 
and if they should but save, yea, or lose some thing 
l>y itj y* other benefite would be advantage inough; 
so, seeing their ernestnes, he gave way, and it was 
referd to their freinds in England to alow, or disalow 
it. Of which more in its place. 

Upon y® consideration of y* bussines about y* paten, 
& in what state it was left, as is before remembred, 
and M^ Sherleys emest pressing to have M*". AUerto 
to come over againe to finish it, & perfect y® accounts, 
&c., it was concluded to send him over this year 
againe ; though it was with some fear & jeolocie ; yet 
he gave them &ir words and promises of well perform- 
ing all their bussineses according to their directions, 
and to mend his former errors^ So he was accordingly 
sent with full instructions for all things, with large let- 
ters to M'. Sherley & y* rest, both aboute Ashleys 
bussines and their owne suply with trading comodities, 
and how much it did conceme them to be furnished 
therwith, & what y® had suffered for wante therof ; and 
of what litle use other goods were [172] in com- 
parison therof; and so likewise aboute this fishing ship, 
to be thus hired, and fraught with trading goods, 
which might both supply them & Ashley, and y® 
benefite therof; which was left to their considemtion 
to hire & set her out, or not ; but in no case not to 
send any, exepte she was thus fraighte with trading 

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814 msTOBT OF [book it. 

goods. But what these things came too will appere 
in y^ next years passages. 

I had like to have omited an other passage that 
fell out y® begin ing of this year. Ther was one M^ 
Balfe Smith, & his wife & familie, y' came over into 
y* Bay of y* Massachusets, and sojourned at presente 
with some stragling people that lived at Natascoe ; here 
being a boat of this place putting in ther on some 
occasion, he emestly desired that they would give him 
& his, passage for Plimoth, and some such things as 
they could well carrie ; having before heard y* ther was 
liklyhood he might procure house-roome for some time, 
till he should resolve to setle ther, if he might, or 
els-wher as God should disposs; for he was werie of 
being in y* uncoth place, & in a poore house y' would 
neither keep him nor his goods drie. So, seeing him to 
be a grave man, & understood he had been a minister, 
though they had no order for any such thing, yet they 
presumed and brought him. He was here accordingly 
kindly entertained & housed, & had y^ rest of his goods 
& servants sente for, and exercised his gifts amongst 
them, and afterwards was chosen into y® ministrie, and 
so remained for sundrie years. 

It was before noted that sundrv of those that came 

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scurvie^ otiier of an infectious feaoure, which continued 
some time amongst them (though our people, through 
Gods goodnesy escaped it). Upon which occasion he 
write hither for some help, understanding here was one 
that had some skill y* way, & had cured diverse of y* 
scurvie, and otiiers of other diseases, by letting blood, 
& other means. Upon which his request y^ Gov*' hear 
sent him unto them, and also write to him, from whom 
he received an answere ; the which, because it is breefe, 
and shows y^ begining of their aquaintance, and closing 
in y^ truth & ways of God, I thought it not unmeete, 
nor without use, hear to inserte it ; and an other show- 
ing y® begining of their fellowship & church estate ther. 
Being as followeth. 

Right worthy S': 

It is a thing not nsuall, that servants to one m'. and of y* 
same houshold should be strangera; I assure you I desire it 
not, nay, to speake more plainly, I cannot be so to you. 
Gods people are all marked with one and y* same marke, 
and sealed with one and y* same seale, and have for y* maioe, 
one & y* same harte, guided by one & same spirite of 
truth ; and wher this is, ther can be no discorde, nay, here 
must needs be sweete harmonie. And y* same request (with 
you) I make unto y* Lord, that we may« as Christian 
breethren, be united by a heavenly & unfained love ; bend- 
ing all our harts and forces in furthering a worke be- 
yond our strength, with reverence & fear, fastening our eyse 
allways on him that only is able to directe and prosper all 
our ways. I acknowledge my selfe much bound to you for 
your kind love and care in sending M'. Fuller among us, 

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316 HISTORY OF [book II. 

and rejoyce much y* I am by him satisfied toaching your 
judgments of y* outward forme of Gods worehipe. It is, as 
farr as [173] I can yet gather, no other then is wairented 
by y* evidence of truth, and y* same which I have profifessed 
and maintained ever since y® Lord in raercie revealed him 
selfe unto me; being faiT from y* commone reporte that 
hath been spread of you touching that perticuler. But Gods 
children must not looke for less here below, and it is y* 
great mercie of God, that he strengthens them to goe through 
with it. I shall not necde at this time to be tedious unto 
you, for, God willing, I purpose to see your face shortly. 
In y* mean time, I humbly take my leave of you, comiting 
you to y* Lords blessed protection, & rest, 

Your assured loving friend, 

Jo: Endecott. 
Naumkeak, May 11. An<». 1629. 

This second leter sheweth ther proceedings in thoir 
church affaires at Salem, which was y® 2. church erected 
in these parts ; and afterwards y^ Lord established many 
more in sundrie places. 

S': I make bould to trouble you with a few lines, for to 
certifie you how it hath pleased God to deale with us, since 
you heard from us. How, notwithstanding all opposition 
that hath been hear, & els wher, it hath pleased God to lay 
a foundation, the which I hope is agreeable to his word in 
eveiy thing. The 20. of July, it pleased y' Lord to move 
y* hart of our Gov* to set it aparte for a solemne day of 
humilliation for y* choyce of a pastor & teacher. The former 
parte of y* day beiuf; spente in praier & teaching, the later 

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were demanded concerning their callings; they acknowledged 
ther was a towfould calling, the one an inward calling, 
when y* Loixi moved y* harte of a man to take y' calling 
upon him, and fitted him with guiftes for y* same; the 
second was an outward calling, which was from y* people, 
when a company of beleevers are joyned togither in cove- 
nante, to walke togither in all y* ways of God, and every 
member (being men) are to have a free voyce in y* choyce 
of their officers, &c. Now, we being perswaded that these 
2. men wei*e so quallified, as y^ apostle speaks to Timothy, 
wher he saith, A bishop must be blamles, sober, apte to 
teach, <&c., I thinke I may say, as y** eunuch said unto 
Philip, What should let from being baptised, seeing ther 
was water? and he beleeved. So these 2. servants of God, 
clearing all things by their answers, (and being thus fitted,) 
we saw noe reason but we might freely give our voyces for 
their election, after this triall. So M'. Skelton was chosen 
pastor, and M'. Higgison to be teacher; and they accepting 
y choyce, M'. Higgison, with 3. or 4. of y* gravest mem- 
bers of y* church, laid their hands on M'. Skelton, using 
prayer thei'with. This being done, ther was imposission of 
hands on M^ Higgison also. And since that time, Thursday 
(being, as I take it, y* 6. of August) is appoyuted for 
another day of humilliation, for y* choyce of elders So 
deacons. So ordaining of them. 

And now, good S% I hope y* you & y* rest of Gods people 
(who are aquainted with the ways of God) with you, will 
say that hear was a right foundation layed, and that these 2. 
blessed servants of y* Lord came in at y* dore, and not at y* 
window. Thus I have made bould to trouble you with these 
few lines, desiring you to remember us, &c. And so rest. 
At your service in what I may, 

Charles Gott. 

Salem, July 30. 1629. 

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318 HISTORY OP [book U. 

[174] Anno Dom: 1630. 

Ashley, being well supplyed, had quickly gathered 
a good parcell of beaver, and like a crafty pate he 
sent it all home, and would not pay for y® goods he 
had had of y® plantation hear, but lett them stand still 
on y* score, and tooke up still more. Now though 
they well enough knew his aime, yet they let him goe 
on, and write of it into England. But partly y^ beaver 
tiiey received, & sould, (of which they weer sencible,) 
and partly by M*^. Allertons extolling of him, they cast 
more how to supplie him then y® plantation, and some- 
thing to upbraid them with it. They were forct to 
buy him a barke allso, and to furnish her w^ a m*^. & 
men, to transporte his come & provissions (of which 
he put of much) ; for y* Indeans of those parts have 
no come growing, and at harvest, after come is ready, 
y® weather grows foule, and y* seas dangerous, so as 
he could doe litle good with his shallope for y* pur- 

They looked ernestly for a timely supply this spring, 
by the fishing ship which they expected, and had been 
at charg to keepe a stage for her; but none came, nor 
any supply heard of for them. At length they heard 
sume supply was sent to Ashley by a fishing ship, at 

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320 HISTORY OF [book H. 

y* Bay of y* Massachusetts, (being one of y* part- 
ners,) and came over in y® same ship that was set 
out on fhishing (called y* Frendship). They presently 
sent to him, making no question but now they had 
goods come, and should know how all things stood. 
:But they found [175] the former news true, how this 
ship had been so long at sea, and spente and spoyled 
her provissions, and overthrowne y® viage. And he 
being sent over by y* rest of y^ partners, to see how 
things wente hear, being at Bristoll with M^ AUerton, 
in y« shipe bought (called y® White-Angell), ready to 
set sayle, over night came a messenger from Bastable 
to M^ AUerton, and tould him of y® returne of y^ 
ship, and what had befallen. And he not knowing 
what to doe, having a great chareg under hand, y* 
ship lying at his rates, and now ready to set sayle, 
got him to goe and discharg y* ship, and take order 
for y"" goods. To be short, they found M^ Hatherley 
some thing reserved, and troubled in him selfe, (M'. 
AUerton not being ther,) not knowing how to dispose 
of y® goods till he came ; but he heard he was arived 
with y* other ship to y® eastward, and expected his 
coming. But he tould them ther was not much for 
them in this ship, only 2. packs of Bastable ruggs, and 
2. hoggsheads of meatheglin, drawne out in wooden 
flackets (but when these flackets came to be received, 

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But the ship was filled with goods for sundrie gentle- 
men, & others, that were come to plant in y® Mas- 
sachusets, for which they payed fraight by y* tun. 
And this was all the satisfaction they could have at 
presente, so they brought this small parcell of goods 
& returned with this nues, and a letter as obscure; 
which made them much to marvell therat. The letter 
was as foUoweth. 

Gentle-men, partners, and loving friends, &c. 

Breefly thus: wee have this year set forth a fishing ship, 
and a trading ship, which later we have bought; and so 
have disbursed a great deale of money, as may and will 
appeare by y* accounts. And because this ship (called y* 
White Angell) is to acte 2. parts, (as I may say,) fishing 
for bass, and trading; and that while M'. Allerton was im- 
ployed aboute y* trading, the fishing might suffer by car- 
lesnes or neglecte of y* sailors, we have entreated your and 
our loving friend, M'. Hatherley, to goe over with him, 
knowing he will be a comforte to M'. Allerton, a joye to 
you, to see a carfuU and loving friend, and a great stay to 
y*^ bussines; and so great contente to us, that if it should 
please God y* one should faile, (as God forbid,) yet y® other 
would keepe both recconings, and things uprighte. For we 
are now out great sumes of money, as they will acquainte 
you withall, &c. When we were out but 4. or 5. hundred 
pounds a peece, we looked not much after it, but left it to 
you, & your agente, (who, without flaterie, deserveth infinite 
thanks & comendations, both of you & us, for his pains, 
&c.) ; but now we are out double, nay, trible a peece, some 
of us, &c. ; which maks us both write, and send over our 
friend, M'. Hatherley, whom we pray you to entertaine kindly, 
of which we doubte not of. The main end of sending him 

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322 HiSTOBr OP [booku. 

is to see y* state and accouote of all y* bussines, of all which 
we pray you informe him fully, though y* ship & bussioes 
wayte for it and him. For we should take it very unkindly 
that we should intreat him to take such a journey, and that, 
when it pleaseth God he returaes, he could not give us con- 
tente & satisfaction in this perticuler, through defaulte of 
any of you. [176] But we hope you will so order bussines, 
as neither he nor we shall have cause to complaine, but to 
doe as we ever have done, thinke well of you all, &c. I 
will not promise, but shall indeaour & hope to effecte y* full 
desii*e and grant of your patente, & that ere it be longe. 
I would not have you take any thing unkindly. I have 
not write out of jeolocie of any unjuste dealing. Be you 
all kindly saluted in y* Lord, so I rest, 

Yours in what I may, 

James Shbrlbt. 
March 25. 1630. 

It needs not be thought strange, that these things 
should amase and trouble them; first, that this fishing 
ship should be set out, and fraight with other mens 
goods, & scarce any of theirs ; seeing their maine end 
was (as is before remembred) to bring them a full 
supply, and their speatiall order not to sett out any 
excepte this was done. And now a ship to come on 
their accounte, clean contrary to their both end & order, 
was a misterie they could not understand ; and so much 
y^ worse, seeing she had shuch ill success as to lose 
both her vioage & provissions. The 2. thing, that 

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any here, much less, not a word intimated or spoaken 
of by any here, either by word or letter, neither could 
they imagine why this should be. Bass fishing was 
never lookt at by them, but as soone as ever they 
heard on it, they looked at it as a vaine thing, that 
would certainly turne to loss. And for M'. Allerton 
to follow any trade for them, it was never in their 
thoughts. And 3^^, that their frieds should complaine 
of disbursements, and yet rune into such great things, 
and charge of shiping & new projects of their owne 
heads, not only without, but against, all order & advice, 
was to them very Strang. And 4^, that all these mat- 
ters of so great charg & imployments should be thus 
wrapped up in a breefe and obscure letter, they knew 
not what to make of it. But amids all their doubts 
they must have patience till M^ Allerton & M^ 
Hatherley should come. In y* mean time M^ Winslow 
was gone for England; and others of them were forst 
to folow their imployments with y® best means they 
had, till they could hear of better. 

At length M^ Hatherley & M^ Allerton came unto 
them, (after they had delivered their goods,) and find- 
ing them strucken with some sadnes aboute these 
things, M^ Allerton tould them that y^ ship Whit- 
Angele did not belong to them, nor their accounte, 
neither neede they have any thing to doe with her, 
excepte they would. And M'. Hatherley confirmed y® 
same, and said that they would have had him to have 

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324 HISTORY OF [book II. 

had a parte, but he refused; but he made question 
whether they would not tume her upon y* generall 
accounte, if ther came loss (as he now saw was like), 
seeing M^ AUerton laid downe this course, and put 
them on this projecte. But for y^ fishing ship, he tould 
them they need not be so much troubled, for he had 
her accounts here, and showed them that her first set- 
ing out came not much to exceed 600". as they might 
see by y® accounte, which he showed them; and for 
this later Wage, it would arrise to profite by y^ fraight 
of y® goods, and y salle of some katle which he shiped 
and had allready sould, & was to be paid for partly 
here & partly by bills into England, so as they should 
not have this put on their acounte at all, except they 
[178] * would. And for y* former, he had sould so 
much goods out of her in England, and imployed y* 
money in this 2. viage, as it, togeither with such goods 
& implements as M^ Allerton must need aboute his 
fishing, would rise to a good parte of y® money ; for he 
must have y^ sallt and nets, allso spiks, nails, &c. ; 
all which would rise to nere 400**.; so, with y® bearing 
of their parts of y® rest of y° loses (which would not 
be much above 200**.), they would clear them of this 
whole accounte. Of which motion they were glad, not 
being willing to have any accounts lye upon them; but 
aboute their trade, which made them willing to barken 
therunto, and demand of M^ Hatherley how he could 

• 177 ia omitted in MS. 

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make this good^ if they should agree their unto, he 
tould them he was sent over as their agente, and tiad 
this order from them, that whatsoever he and M^ 
Allerton did togeather, they would stand to it; but 
they would not alow of what M^ Allerton did alone, 
except they liked it ; but if he did it alone, they would 
not gaine say it. Upon which they sould to him & M^ 
Allerton all y* rest of y® goods, and gave them present 
possession of them; and a writing was made, and con- 
firmed under both M^ Hatherleys and M^ AUertons 
hands, to y® effecte afforesaide. And M^ Allertone, 
being best aquainted w^ y® people, sould away presenly 
all shuch goods as he had no need of for y^ fishing, 
as 9. shallop sails, made of good new canvas, and y^ 
roads for them being all new, with sundry such usefull 
goods, for ready beaver, by M^ Hatherleys allowance. 
And thus they thought they had well provided for 
them selvs. Yet they rebuked M^ Allerton very much 
for runing into these courses, fearing y® success of them. 
M"^. Allerton & M^ Hbitherley brought to y® towne with 
them (after he had sould what he could abroad) a great 
quantity of other goods besids trading comodities; as 
linen cloath, bedticks, stockings, tape, pins, ruggs, &c., 
and tould them they were to have them, if they would ; 
but they tould M^ Allerton that they had forbid him 
before for bringing any such on their accounte ; it 
would hinder their trade and returnes. But he & M^ 
Hatherley said, if they would not have them, they 

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326 HISTORY OF [book H. 

would sell them, them selves, and take come for what 
they could not otherwise sell. They tould them they 
might, if they had order for it. The goods of one 
sorte & other came to upward of 500**. 

After these things, M'. Allerton wente to y* ship 
aboute his bass fishing; and M^ Bhtherley, (according 
to his order,) after he tooke knowledg how things stood 
at y® plantation, (of all which they informed him 
fully,) he then desired a boate of them to goe and 
visite y® trading houeses, both Kenebeck, and Ashley 
at Penobscote; for so they in England had injoyned 
him. They accordingly furnished him with a boate & 
men for y® viage, and aquainted him plainly & thorowly 
with all things; by which he had good contente and 
satisfaction, and saw plainly y* 'SV. Allerton plaid his 
owne game, and rane a course not only to y* great 
wrong & detrimente of y® plantation, who imployed & 
trusted him, but abused them in England also, in pos^ 
sessing them with prejudice against y^ plantation ; as 
y* they would never be able to repaye their moneys 
(in regard of their great charge), but if [179] they 
would follow his advice and projects, he & Ashley 
(being well supplyed) would quickly bring in their 
moneys with good advantage. M^ Hatherley disclosed 
also a further projecte aboute y* setting out of this 
ship, y* White-angell ; how, she being wel fitted with 
^ood ordnance, and known to have made a ^reat fiffht 

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y* victory, they had agreed (by M^ Allerton's means) 
that, after she had brought a fraight of goods here into 
y* countrie, and fraight her selfe with fish, she should 
goe from hence to Port of porte,* and ther be sould, 
both ship, goods, and ordenance; and had, for this 
end, had speech with a factore of those parts, before- 
hand, to whom she should have been consigned. But 
this was prevented at this time, (after it was known,) 
partly by y® contrary advice given by their freinds 
hear to M'. AUerton & M'. Hatherley, showing how it 
might insnare their friends in England, (being men 
of estate,) if it should come to be knowne; and for 
y® plantation, they did and would disalow it, and pro- 
test against it; and partly by their bad viage, for 
they both came too late to doe any good for fishing, 
and allso had such a wicked and drunken company as 
neither M'. Allerton nor any els could rule; as M^ 
Hatherley, to his great greefe & shame, saw, & be- 
held, and all others that came nere them. 

Ashley likwise was taken in a trape, (before M'. 
Hatherley returned,) for trading powder & shote with 
y^ Indeans; and was ceased upon by some in author- 
itie, who allso would have confiscated above a thousand 
weight of bearer; but y^ goods were freed, for y* 
Gov^ here made it appere, by a bond under Ashleys 
hand, wherin he was bound to them in 500**. not to 
trade any munition with y® Indeans, or other wise 

♦ Oporto, called by the Dutch Port a port. 

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828 HISTORY OP [book n. 

to abuse him selfe; it was also manifest against him 
that be had comited uncleannes with Indean women, 
(things that they feared at his first imployment, which 
made them take this strict coarse with him in y* be- 
gining) ; so, to be shorte, they gott their goods freed, 
but he was sent home prisoner. And that I may make 
an end concerning him, after some time of imprison- 
mente in y® Fleet, by y* means of friends he was set 
at liberty, and intended to come over againe, but y* 
Lord prevented it; for he had a motion made to him, 
by some marchants, to goe into Russia, because he had 
such good skill in y*' beaver trade, the which he ac- 
cepted of, and in his retume home was cast away at 
sea; this was his end. 

M'. Hatherley, fiilly understanding y® state of all 
things, had good satisfaction, and could well informe 
them how all things stood betweene M'. AUerton and 
y® plantation. Yea, he found y^ M'. AUerton had gott 
within him, and [180] got all y'' goods into his owne 
hands, for which M'. Hatherley stood joyntly ingaged 
to them hear, aboute y® ship-Freidship, as also most 
of y* fraigte money, besids some of his owne perticuler 
estate ; about w*'** more will appear here after. So he 
returned into England, and they sente a good quantity 

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amongst them, so was it a mater of great sadnes unto 
tbem. They used all due means about his triall» and 
tooke y® adyioe of M'. Winthrop and other y* ablest 
gentle-men in y^ Bay of y^ Massachusets, that were 
then new-ly come over, who concured with them y* he 
ought to dye, and y* land to be purged from blood. 
He and some of his had been often punished for mis- 
cariags before, being one of y° profanest families amongst 
them. They came from London, and I know not by 
what freinds shufled into their company. His fiwjte was, 
that he way-laid a yong-man, one John New-comin, 
(about a former quarell,) and shote him with a gune, 
wherof he dyed,* 

Having by a providence a letter or to y* came to 
my hands concerning the proceedings of their Re^: 
freinds in y® Bay of y® Massachusets, who were latly 
come over, I thought it* not amise here to inserte 
them, (so farr as is pertenente, and may be usefiill 
for after times,) before I conclude this year. 

S': Being at Salem y* 25. of July, being y* saboath, after 
y* eveing exercise, M'. Johnson received a letter from y* 

people to increase the plantation, be shonld have his life spared; bat jai- 
tioe otherwise determined, and rewarded him, the first mortherer of his neigh- 

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Gov', M'. John Winthrop, manifesting y* hand of God to 
be apon them, and against them at Charles-towne, in visit- 
ing them with sicknes, and taking diverse tvom amongst 
them, not sparing y* righteous, but partaking with y* wicked 
in these bodily judgments. It was therfore by his desire 
taken into y' Godly consideration of y* best hear, what was 
to be done to pacific y* Lords wrath, &c. Wher it was con- 
cluded, that the Lord was to be sought in righteousnes ; and 
to that end, y* 6. day (being Friday) of this present weeke, 
is set aparte, that they may humble them selves before God, 
and seeke him in his ordenances; and that then also such 
godly persons that are amongst them, and know each to 
other, may publickly, at y* end of their exercise, make 
known their Godly desire, and practise y* same, viz. solemly 
to enter into [181] covenante with y' Lord to walke in his 
ways. And since they are so disposed of in their outward 
estats, as to live in three distinct places, each having men 
of abilitie amongst them, ther to observe y* day, and be- 
come 3. distincte bodys; not then intending rashly to pro- 
ceed to y* choyce of officers, or y* admitting of any other 
to their societie then a few, to witte, such as arc well knowne 
unto them; promising after to receive in such by confession 
of faith, as shall appeare to be fitly qualified for y estate. 
They doe emestly entreate that y* church of PI i moth would 
set apparte y* same day, for y^ same ends, beseeching y* 
Lord, as to withdraw his hand of correction from them, so 
also to establish and direct them in his wayes. And though 
y* time be shorte, we pray you be provocked to this godly 
worke, seing y* causes are so urgente ; wherin God will be 
honoured, and they & we undoubtedly have sweete com- 
forte. Be you all kindly saluted, &c. 

Your brethren in Christ, &c. 
Salem, July 26. 1630. 

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332 HISTORY OF [book II. 

S': &c. The sadd news here is, that many are sicke, and 
many are dead ; y* Lord in mercie looke upon them. Some 
are here entered into charch covenante ; the first were 4. 
namly, y* Gov% M'. John Winthrop, M^ Johnson, M^ Dud- 
ley, and M'. Willson ; since that 5. more are joyned unto 
them, and others, it is like, will adde them selves to them 
dayly ; the Lord increase them, both in number and in holi- 
nes for his mercie sake. Here is a gentleman, one M^. Ck>t- 
tington, (a Boston man,) who tould me, that M'. Cottons 
charge at Hamton was, that they should take advise of 
them at Plimoth, and should doe nothing to offend them. 
Here are diverce honest Christians that are desirous to see 
us, some out of love which they bear to us, and y* good 
perswasion they have of us ; others to see whether we be so 
ill as they have heard of us. We have a name of holines, 
and lov^ to God and his saincts; the Lord make us more 
and more answerable, and that it may be more then a name, 
or els it will doe us no good. Be you lovingly saluted, and 
all the rest of our friends. The Lord Jesus blese us, and y* 
whole Israll of God. Amen. 

Your loving brother, Ac. 

Charles-towne, Aug. 2. 1630. 

Thus out of SDfialle beginings greater things have been 
prodused by his hand y^ made all things of nothing, 
and gives being to all things that are ; and as one 
small candle may light a thousand, so y^ light here 
kindled hath shone to many, yea in some sorte to our 

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[182] Anno Dom: 1631. 

Ashley being thus by y« hand of God taken away, 
and M^ AUerton discharged of his imploymente for 
them, their bussines began againe to rune in one 
chanell, and them selves better able to guide the same, 
Penobscote being wholy now at their disposing. And 
though M^ William Peirce had a parte ther as is before 
noted, yet now, as things stood, he was glad to have 
his money repayed him, and stand out. M'. Winslow, 
whom they had sent over, sent them over some supply 
as soone as he could; and afterwards when he came, 
which was something longe by reason of bussines, he 
brought, a large supply of suitable goods with him, 
by which ther trading was' well carried on. But by 
no means either he, or y® letters y^^ write, could take 
off M^ Sherley & y* rest from putting both y® Friend- 
ship and Whit-Angell on y® generall accounte; which 
caused continuall contention betweene them, as will 
more appeare. 

I shall inserte a leter of M^ Winslow's about these 
things, being as foloweth. 

S': It fell out by Gods providence, y* I received and 
brought your leters p' M'. Allerton from Bristoll, to London ; 
and doe much feare what will be y* event of things. M^ 
Allerton intended to prepare y* ship againe, to set forth 
upon fishing. M'. Sherley, M' Beachamp, & M'. Andrews, 
they renounce all perticulers, protesting but for us they 

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334 HISTORY OF [book U. 

would never have adventured one penie intx) those parts; 
M'. Hatherley stands inclinable to either. And wheras you 
write that he and M'. AUerton have taken y* Whit-Angell 
upon them, for their partners here, they professe they neiver 
gave any such order, nor will make it good; if them selves 
will cleare y* accounte & doe it, all shall be well. What 
y* evente of these things will be, I know not. The Lord 
so directe and assiste us, as he may not be dishonoured by 
our divissions. I hear (p' a freind) that I was much blamed 
for speaking w** I heard in y* spring of y* year, concerning 
y* buying & setting forth of y* ship ; f sure, if I should not 
have tould you what I heard so peremtorly reported (which 
report I offered now to prove at Bristoll), I should have 
been unworthy my imploymente. And concerning y* comis- 
sion so long since given to M'. Allerton, the truth is, the 
thing we feared is come upon us; for M'. Sherley & y* rest 
have it, and will not deliver it, that being y* ground of our 
agents credite to procure shuch great sumes. But I looke 
for bitter words, hard thoughts, and sower looks, from 
sundrie, as well for writing this, as reporting y* former. 
I would I had a more thankfull imploymente; but I hope 
a good conscience shall make it comefortable, &c. 

Thus farr he. Dated Nov: 16. 1631. 

The comission above said was given by them under 
their hand and scale, when M'. Allerton was first 
imployed by them, and redemanded of him in y* year 
29. when they begane to suspecte his course. He 
tould them it was amongst his papers, but he would 
seeke it out & give it them before he wente. But he 

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being ready to goe, it was demanded againe. He said 
he could not find it, but it was amongst his papers, 
which he must take w'*' him, [183] and he would send 
it by y* boat from y"* eastward; but ther it could not 
be had neither, but he would seeke it up at sea. But 
whether M'. Sherley had it before or after, it is not cer- 
taine ; but having it, he would not let it goe, but keeps 
it to this day. Wherfore, even amongst freinds, men 
had need be carfull whom they trust, and not lett 
things of this nature lye long unrecaled. 

Some parts of M^. Sherletfs letters aboute these things^ in 
which tf truth is best manifested. 

S^• Yours I have received by our loving friends, M'. AUer- 
ton & M^ Hatberley, who, biased be God, after a long & 
dangerous passage with y^ ship Angell, are safely come to 
BristoU. M'. Hatherley is come up, but M'. Allerton I have 
not yet seen. We thanke you, and are very glad you have 
disswaded him from his Spanish viage, and y* he did not 
goe on in these designes he intended; for we did all uterly 
dislick of that course, as allso of y* fishing y* y* Freindship 
should have performed ; for we wished him to sell y* salte, 
and were unwilling to have him undertake so much bussines, 
partly for y* ill success we formerly had in those affairs, and 
partly being loath to disburse so much money. But he per- 
swaded us this must be one way y* must repay us, for y* 
plantation would be long in doing of it; ney, to my remem- 
berance, he doubted you could not be able, with y* trade 
ther, to maintaine your charge & pay us. And for this very 
cause he brought us on y' bussines with Ed : Ashley, for he 
was a stranger to us, &c. 

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336 HISTORY OF [book n. 

For y* fishing ship, we are sorie it proves so heavie, and 
will be willing to bear our parts. What M'. Hatherley & 
W, AUerton have done, no doubt but them selves will make 
good;* we gave them no oixier to make any composition, 
to seperate you and us in this or any other. And I thinke 
you have no cause to forsake us, for we put you upon no 
new thing, but what your agent perswaded us to, & you by 
your letters desired. If he exceede your order, I hope you 
will not blame us, much less cast us of, when our moneys 
be layed out, &c. But I fear neither you nor we have been 
well delte withall, for sui*e, as you write, halfe 4000^., nay, a 
quarter, in fitting comodities, and in seasonable time, would 
have furnished you beter then you were. And yet for all 
this, and much more I might write, I dare not but thinke 
him honest, and that his desire and intente was good ; but y* 
wisest may faile. Well, now y' it hath pleased God to give 
us hope of meeting, doubte not but we will all indeavore 
to perfecte these accounts just & right, as soone as possibly 
we can. And I supposs you sente over M'. Winslow, and we 
M'. Hatherley, to certifie each other how y® state of things 
stood. We have received some contente upon M'. Hath- 
erley's returne, and I hope you will receive good contente 

• They were too short in resting on M'. Hatherlejs honest word, for his 
order to discharg them from y* Friendship's accoante, when he and M'. 
AUerton made y« bargane with them, and they delivered them the rest of j* 
goods; and therby gave them oppertnnitie also to reoeiye all the fraight 
of boath viages, without seeing an order (to have such power) nnder their 
hands in writing, which they never donbted of, seeing he affirmed he had 
power; and they both knew his honestie, and y* he was spetially imployed 
for their agente at this time. And he was as shorte in resting on a verball 
order from them ; which was now denyed, when it came to a perticoler of 
loss; but he still affirmed the same. But they were both now taught how 
to deale in y« world, espetially with marchants, in such cases. But in y* end 

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upon M'. Winslow's retame. Now I should come to answer 
more perticulerly your letter, but herin I shall be very breefe. 
The coming of y* White Angele on your accounte could not 
be more Strang to you, then y* buying of her was to us; 
for you gave him comission* that what he did you would 
stand too; we gave him none, and yet for his credite, and 
your saks, payed what bills he charged on us, &c. For y* 
I write she was to acte tow parts, fishing & trade ; beleeve 
me, I never so much as thought of any perticuler trade, 
qor will side with any y' doth, if I conceive it may wrong 
you ; for I ever was against it, useing these words : They 
will eate up and destroy y" generall. 

Other things I omite as tedious, and not very perte- 
nente. This was dated Nov^ 19. 1631. 

In an other leter bearing date y® 24. of this month, 
being an answer to y* generall order, he hath these 
words : — 

[184] For y* White Angell, against which you write so 
ernestly, and say we thrust her upon you, contrary to y* 
intente of y* buyer, herin we say you forgett your selves, 
and doe us wrong. We will not take uppon us to devine 
what y' thougts or intents of y® buyer was, but what he 
spack we heard, and that we will affirme, and make good 
against any y' oppose it; which is, y* uules shee were 
bought, and shuch a course taken, Ashley could not be 
supply ed ; and againe, if he weer not supply ed, we could 
not be satisfied what we were out for you. And further, 
you were not able to doe it; and he gave some reasons 

* This comission is abased ; he never had any for shnch end, as they well 
knew, nether had they any to pay this money, nor would have paid a peny, 
if they had not pleased for some other respecte. 

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338 HISTORY OF [book U. 

which we spare to relate, unless by your unreasonable re- 
fusall you will force us, and so hasten y' fire which is a 
kindling too fast allready, &c. 

Out of another of his^ bearing date Jan. 2. 1631, 

We purpose to keep y* Freldship and y* Whit Angell, 
for y* last year viages, on the generall accounte, hoping 
togeither they will rather produse profite then loss, and 
breed less confution in our accounts, and less disturbance 
in our affections. As for y* White Angell, though we layed 
out y* money, and tooke bills of salle in our owne names, 
yet none of us had so much as a thought (I dare say) of 
deviding from you in any thing this year, because we would 
not have y* world (I may say Bristoll) take notice of any 
breach betwixte M'. Allerton and you, and he and us ; and 
so disgrace him in his proceedings on * in his intended viage. 
We have now let him y* ship at 30**. p' month, by charter- 
partie, and bound him in a bond of a 1000*^. to performe 
covenants, and bring her to London (if God please). And 
what he brings in her for you, shall be marked w^ your 
marke, and bits of laden taken, & sent in M'. Winslows 
letter, who is this day riding to Bristoll about it. So in 
this viage, we deale & are with him as strangers. He hath 
brought in 3. books of accounts, one for y* company, an 
other for Ashley's bussines, and y* third for y* Whit-Angell 
and Freidship. The books, or coppies, we purpose to send 
you, for you may discover y* errours in them better then 
we. We can make it appear how much money he hath had 
of us, and vou can chars: him with all v* beaver he hath 

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find whether you had such, & so much goods, as he ohargeth 
you with all ; and this is all that I can say at presente con- 
cerning these accounts. He thought to dispatch them in 
a few howers, but he and Straton & Fogge were above 
a month aboute them ; but he could not stay till we had 
"examined them, for losing his fishing viage, which I fear he 
hath allready done, <&c. 

We blese God, who put both you & us in mind to send 
each to other, for verily had he rune on in that desperate 
& chargable course one year more, we had not been able to 
suport him; nay, both he and we must have lyen in y* 
ditch, and sunck under y* burthen, &c. Had ther been 
an orderly course taken, and your bussines better managed, 
assuredly (by y* blessing of God) you had been y* ablest 
plantation that, as we think, or know, hath been under- 
taken by Englishmen, &c. 

Thus farr of these letters of M'. Sherley's.* 
[185] A few observations from y* former letters, 
and then I shall set downe the simple truth of y® 
things (thus in controversie betweene them), at least 
as farr as by any good evidence it could be made to 
appeare ; and so laboure to be breefe in so tedious 
and intricate a bussines, which hunge in expostulation 
betweene them many years before y* same was ended. 
That though ther will be often occasion to touch these 
things about other passages, yet I shall not neede to 
be large therin; doing it hear once for all. 

First, it seemes to appere clearly that Ashley's 
bussines, and y* buying of this ship, and y® courses 

• The last two words not found in the MS. but obviously intended. 

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340 HISTORY OF [book II. 

framed ther apon, were first contrived and proposed 
by M'. Allerton, as also y* the pleaes and pretences 
which he made, of y* inablitie of y* plantation to 
repaye their money s, &c., and y® hops he gave them 
of doing it with profite, was more beleeved & rested 
on by them (at least some of them) then any thing 
y^ plantation did or said. 

2. It is like, though M^ Allerton might thinke not 
to wrong y* plantation in y^ maine, yet his owne 
gaine and private ends led him a side in these things; 
for it came to be knowne, and I have it in a letter 
under M'. Sherley's hand, that in y* first 2. or 3. 
years of his imploymente, he had cleared up 400". and 
put it into a brew-house of M^ Colliers in London, 
at first under M^ Sherley's name, &c. ; besids what 
he might have other wise. Againe, M^ Sherley and 
he had perticuler dealings in some things ; for he 
bought up y* beaver that sea-men & other passengers 
brought over to Bristoll, and at other places, and 
charged y® bills to London, which M^ Sherley payed ; 
and they got some time 50**. a peece in a bargen, as 
was made knowne by M'. Hatherley & others, besids 
what might be other wise ; which might make M'. 
Sherley harken unto him in many things; and yet 

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Digitized by 


342 HISTORY OF [book H. 

Frindship) came first from y*' plantation^ and y® rea- 
sons of it, as is before remembered; but wholy left to 
tbem selves to doe or not to doe, as they saw cause. 
But when it fell into consideration, and y^ designe was 
held to be profitable and hopefull, it was propounded 
by some of them, why might not they doe it of them 
selves, seeing they must disburse all y® money, and 
what need they have any refferance to y® plantation 
in y^; they might take y® profite them selves, towards 
other losses, & need not let y*' plantation share therin ; 
and if their ends were other wise answered for their 
supplyes to come too them in time, it would be well 
enough. So they hired her, & set her out, and 
fraighted her as full as she could carry with passen- 
gers goods y^ belonged to y*' Massachussets, which rise 
to a good sume of money ; intending to send y* plan- 
tations supply in y® other ship. The effecte of this 
M^ Hatherley not only declared afterward upon occa- 
sion, but affirmed upon othe, taken before y* Gov' & 
Dep: Gov*" of y® Massachusets, M^ Winthrop & M'. 
Dudley : That this ship-Frindship was not sett out nor 
intended for y® joynt partnership of y* plantation, but 
for y*' perticuler accounte of M^ James Sherley, M^ 
Beachampe, M^ Andrews, M^ Allerton, & him selfe. 

A /%/\ 

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About y*' Whit-Angell, though she was first lx)ught, 
or at least the price beaten, by M^ Allerton (at Bris- 
tol!), yet that had been nothing if M^ Sherley had 
not liked it, and disbursed y* money. And that she 
was not intended for y*" plantation appears by sun- 
drie evidences ; * as, first, y** bills of sale, or charter- 
parties, were, taken in their owne names, without any 
mention or refierance to y® plantation at all; viz. M*", 
Sherley, M'. Beachampe, M'. Andrews, M'. Denison, 
and M'. Allerton ; for M'. Hatherley fell oflf, and 
would not joyne with them in this. That she was 
not bought for their accounte, M'. Hatherley tooke 
his oath before y* parties afiforesaid, y® day and year 
above writen. 

M'. Allerton tooke his oath to like efiecte concerning 
this ship, the Whit-Angell, before y* Gov' & Deputie, 
the 7. of Sep: 1639, and likewise deposed, y® same 
time, that M'. Hatherley and him selfe did, in the 
behalfe of them selves and y*' said M'. Sherley, M'. 
Andrews, & M^ Beaohamp, agree and undertake to 
discharge, and save harmless, all y® rest of y* partners 
& purchasers, of and from y*' said losses of Freindship 
for 200**., which was to be discounted therupon; as by 
ther depossitions (which are in writing) may appeare 
more at large, and some other depositions & other 

• About y« Whit-Angell they all mette at a oertaine taverne in London, 
wher they had a diner prepared, and had a conference with a factore aboate 
selling of her in Spaine, or at Port a porte, as hath been before mentioned; 
as M^ Hatherley manifested, & M^ Allerton conld not deney. 

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344 HISTORY OP [book n. 

testemonies by M*". Winslow,* &c. But I suppose 
these may be safficente to evince the truth in these 
things, against all pretences to y* contrary. And yet 
the burthen lay still upon y® plantation; or, to speake 
more truly and rightly, upon those few that were 
ingaged for all, for they were faine to wade through 
these things without any help from any. . 

[187] Concerning M'. AUerton's accounts, they were 
so larg and intrecate, as they could not well understand 
them, much less examine & correcte them, without a 
great deale of time & help, and his owne presence, 
which was now hard to gett amongst them ; and it was 
2. or 3. years before they could bring them to any 
good pass, but never make them perfecte. I know 
not how it came to pass, or what misterie was in it, 
for he tooke upon him to make up all accounts till 
this time, though M^ Sherley was their agente to buy 
& sell their goods, and did more then he therin ; yet 
he past in accounts in a maner for all disbursments, 
both concerning goods bought, which he never saw, 

* M% Winslow deposed, y* same time, before j* Gov afore said, &c. that 
when he came into England, and y« partners inquired of y« snccess of j* 
Whit Angell, which should have been laden w*** b^sg and so sent for Port, 
of Porting-gall, and their ship & goods to be sould; having informed them 
that they were like to faile in their lading of bass, that then M^ James 
Sherley used these termes: Feck, we must make one accounte of all; and 
ther upon presed him, as agente for y partners in Neu-England, to accepte 
J* said ship Whit-Angell, and her accounte, into y* joynte partner-ship ; which 

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but were done when he was hear in y* cuntrie or at 
sea; and all y* expences of y* Leyden people, done 
by others in his absence ; the chaises aboute y® paten te, 
&c. In all which he made them debtore to him above 
300^. and demanded paimente of it. But when things 
came to scaning, he was found above 2000**. debtore 
to them, (this wherin M^ Hatherley & he being joyntly 
ingaged, which he only had, being included,) besids 
I know not how much y* could never be cleared; and 
interest moneys which ate them up, which he never 
accounted. Also they were faine to alow such large 
bills of charges as were intolerable; the charges of y* 
patent came to above 500*'. and yet nothing done in it 
but what was done at first without any confirmation; 
80**. given at a clape, and 50**. spent in a journey. No 
marvell therfore if M'. Sherley said in his leter, if their 
bussines had been better managed, they might have 
been y** richest plantation of any English at y' time. 
Yea, he scrued up his poore old father in law's accounte 
to above 200**. and brought it on y* generall accounte, 
and to befreind him made most of it to arise out of 
those goods taken up by him at Bristoll, at 50. per 
cent., because he knew they would never let it lye 
on y* old man, when, alassl he, poore man, never 
dreamte of any such thing, nor y' what he had could 
arise nere y' valew ; but thought that many of them 
had been fi'eely bestowed on him & his children by 
M'. Allerton. Nither in truth did they come nere y^ 

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346 HISTORY OF [book D. 

valew in worth, bat y* sume was blowne up by interest 
& high prises, which y* company did for y® most parte 
bear, (he deserving farr more,) being most sory that 
he should have a name to have much, when he had in 
effecte litle. 

This year also M'. Sherley sent over an accounte, 
which was in a maner but a cash accounte what M'^. 
Allerton had had of them, and disbursed, for which 
he referd to his accounts; besids an account of beaver 
sould, which M^ Winslow & some others had carried 
over, and a large supply of goods which M*". Winslow 
had sent & brought over, all which was comprised in y* 
accounte, and all y® disbursments aboute y* Freindship, 
& Whit-Angell, and what concerned their accounts 
from first to last; or any thing else he could charg 
y* partners with. So they were made debtor in y* 
foote of that accounte 4770*'. 19. 2.* besids 1000«. still 
due for y** purchase yet unpayed; notwithstanding all 
y* beaver, and retumes that both Ashley & they had 
made, which were not small. 

[188] In these accounts of M'. Sherley's some things 
were obscure, and some things twise charged, as a 100. 

* So as a while before, wheras their great care was how to pay the pur- 
chase, and those other few debts which were upon them, now it was with 
them as it was some times with Saale*s father, who left careing for y Asses, 
and sorrowed for his sonn. 1. Sam. 10. 2. So that which before they loolsed 

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of Bastable ruggs which came in jr* Freindship, & cost 
75**., charged before by M^ AUerton, and now by him 
againe, with other perticulers of like nature doubtfully 
to be twise or thrise charged; as also a sume of 600". 
which M'. Allerton deneyed, and they could never un- 
derstand for what it was. They sent a note of these 
& such like things afterward to M^ Sherley by M'. 
Winslow ; but (I know not how it came to pass) could 
never have them explained. 

Into these deepe sumes had M'. Allerton rune them 
in tow years, for in y* later end of y® year 1628. all 
their debts did not amounte to much above 400**., as 
was then noted; and now come to so many thousands. 
And wheras in y* year 1629. M^ Sherley & M'. Hath- 
erley being at Bristoll, and write a large letter from 
thence, in which they had given an account of y*' debts, 
and what sumes were then disbursed, M'. Allerton 
never left begging & intreating of them till they had 
put it out. So they bloted out 2. lines in y* leter in 
which y* sumes were contained, and write upon it so 
as not a word could be perceived; as since by them 
was confessed, and by y® leters may be scene. And 
thus were they kept hoodwinckte, till now they were 
so deeply ingaged. And whei-as M'. Sherley did so 
emestly press y* M^ Allerton might be sent over to 
finish y* great bussines aboute y® patente, as may 
be seen in his leter write 1629. as is before recorded, 
and y^ they should be ernest w"* his wife to sufier him 

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848 HISTORY or [book II. 

to goe» &C.9 he hath since confessed by a letter under 
my hands, that it was M'. Allerton's owne doings, and 
not his, and he made him write his words, & not his 
owne. The patent was but a pretence, and not y* 
thing. Thus were they abused in their simplicitie, 
and no beter then bought & sould, as it may seeme. 

And to mend y® matter, M'. Allerton doth in a sorte 
wholy now deserte them; having brought them into y* 
briers, he leaves them to gett out as they can. But 
God crost him mightily, for he having hired y* ship 
of M'. Sherly at 30". a month, he set forth againe 
with a most wicked and drunken cine, and for covet- 
ousnes sake did so over lade her, not only filling her 
hould, but so stufed her betweene decks, as she wa& 
walte, and could not bear sayle, and they had like to 
have been cast away at sea, and were forced to put 
for Millford Havene, and new-stow her, & put some 
of ther ordnance & more heavie goods in y® botome ; 
which lost them time, and made them come late into 
y® countrie, lose ther season, and made a worse viage 
then y^ year before. But being come into y* countrie, 
he selb trading comodities to any y' will buy, to y*^ 
great prejudice of y® plantation here; but that which 
is worse, what he could not sell, he trustes; and sets 
up a company of base felows and maks them traders, 
to rune into every hole, & into y* river of Kenebeck, 
to gleane away y*^ trade from y* house ther, aboute 
y* patente & priviledge wherof he had dasht away so 

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much money of theirs here; [189] and now what in 
him lay went aboute to take away y^ benefite therof, 
and to overthrow them. Yea, not only this, but he 
furnishes a company, and joyns with some consorts, 
(being now deprived of Ashley at Penobscote,) and 
sets up a trading house beyoned Penobscote, to cute 
of y*' trade from thence also. But y® French perceiv- 
ing that that would be greatly to their damage allso, 
they came in their begining before they were well 
setled, and displanted them, slue 2. of their men, and 
tooke all their goods to a good valew, y* loss being 
most, if not all, M'. Allerton's; for though some of 
them should have been his partners, yet he trusted 
them for their partes; the rest of y* men were sent 
into France, and this was the end of y' projecte. The 
rest of those he trusted, being lose and drunken fel- 
lows, did for y^ most parte but coussen & cheate him 
of all they got into their hands; that howsoever he 
did his iriends some hurte hereby for y* presente, yet 
he gate litle good, but wente by y® loss by Gods just 
hand. After in time, when he came to PliEoth, y* 
church caled him to accounte for these, and other his 
grosse miscarrages; he confessed his faulte, and prom- 
ised better walking, and that he would wind him selfe 
out of these courses as soone as he could, &c. 

This year also M'. Sherley would needs send them 
over a new-acountante ; he had made mention of such 
a thing y® year before, but they write him word, that 

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350 HISTORY OF [book II. 

their charge was great allready, and they neede not 
increase it, as this would; but if they were well delte 
with, and had their goods well sent over, they could 
keep their accounts hear them selves. Yet he now 
sente one, which they did not refuse, being a yonger 
brother of M'. Winslows, whom they had been at 
charge to instructe at London before he came. He 
came over in the White Angell with M'. Allerton, 
and ther begane his first imploymente; for though 
M'. Sherley had so farr befreinded M'. Allerton, as 
to cause* M*". Winslow to ship y® supply sente to y* 
partners here in this ship, and give him 4^. p*" tune, 
wheras others carried for 3. and he made them pay 
their fraight ready downe, before y® ship wente out of 
y* harbore, wheras others payed upon certificate of y* 
goods being delivered, and their fraight came to up- 
ward of 6. score pounds, yet they had much adoe to 
have their goods delivered, for some of them were 
chainged, as bread & pease; they were forced to take 
worse for better, neither could they ever gett all. 
And if Josias Winslow had not been ther, it had been 
worse; for he had y* invoyce, and order to send them 
to y* trading houses. 

This year their house at Penobscott was robed by y* 

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goodsy as coatSy ruggs, blankett, biskett, &c. It was 
in this maner. The m^ of y® house, and parte of y* 
company with him, were come with their vessell to y* 
westward to fecth a supply of goods which was brought 
over for them. In y* mean time comes a smale French 
ship into y® harbore (and amongst y* company was a 
false Scott) ; they pretended they were nuly come from 
y® sea, and knew not wher they were, and that their 
vesell was very leake, and desired they might hale her 
a shore and stop their leaks. And many French com- 
plements they used, and congees they made; and in 
y* ende, seeing but 3. or 4. simple men, y* were ser- 
vants, and by this Scoth-man understanding that y* 
maister & ye rest of y* company were gone from 
home, they fell of comending their gunes and muskets, 
that lay upon racks by y® wall side, and tooke them 
downe to looke on them, asking if they were charged. 
And when they were possesst of them, one presents 
a peece ready charged against y® servants, and another 
a pistol! ; and bid them not sturr, but quietly deliver 
them their goods, and carries some of y® men aborde, 
& made y® other help to carry away y® goods. And 
when they had tooke what they pleased, they sett them 
at liberty, and wente their way, with this mocke, bid- 
ing them tell their m^ when he came, that some of 
y* He of Key gentlemen had been ther.* 

* The above paragraph was written on the reyerse of page 188 of the^ 
original manuscript. 

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852 HISTORY OP [book n. 

*This year, on S"" Christopher Gardener, being, as 
him selfe said, descended of y' house y' the Bishop of 
Winchester came of (who was so great a persecutor 
of Gods saincts in Queene Maries days), and being a 
great traveler, received his first honour of knighthood 
at Jerusalem, being made Knight of y Sepulcher ther. 
He came into these parts under pretence of forsaking 
y^ world, and to live a private life, in a godly course, 
not unwilling to put him selfe upon any meane imploy- 
ments, and take any paines for his living; and some 
time ofiered him selfe to joyne to y® churchs in sundry 
places. He brought over with him a servante or 2. 
and a comly yonge woman, whom be caled his cousin, 
but it was suspected, she (after y® Italian maner) was 
his concubine. Living at y*^ Massachusets, for some 
miscariages which he should have answered, he fled 
away from authority, and gott amonge y^ Indeans of 
these parts; they sent after him, but could not gett 
him, and promissed some reward to those y^ should 
find him. The Indeans came to y* Gov' here, and 
tould wbiBr he was, and asked if they might kill him; 
he tould them no, by no means, but if they could take 
him and bring him hither, they should be payed for 
their paines. They said he had a gune & a rapier, 
& he would kill them if y*^ went aboute it; and y* 

♦ Thft followinir A<»nnnnt of Sir f!hrlBt/\«h«i^ no*/i>»'«- —J*"- *«-- * • — 

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Massachuset Indeans said they might kille him. But 
y"" Gov' tould them no, they should not kill him, but 
watch their opportunitie, & take him. And so they 
did, for when they light of him by a river side, he 
got ioto a canowe to get from them, & when they 
came nere him, whilst he presented his peece at them 
to keep them of, the streame carried y* canow against 
a rock, and tumbled both him & his peece & rapier 
into y* water; yet he got out, and having a litle 
dagger by his side, they durst not close with him, but 
getting longe pols they soone beat his dagger out of 
his hand, so he was glad to yeeld; and they brought 
him to y*' Gov^ But his hands and armes were swolen 
& very sore with y® blowes they had given him. So 
he used him kindly, & sent him to a lodging wher his 
armes were bathed and anoynted, and he was quickly 
well againe, and blamed y® Indeans for beating him 
so much. They said that they did but a litle whip 
him with sticks. In his lodging, those y' made his 
bed found a litle note booke that by accidente had 
slipt out of his pockett, or some private place, in 
which was a memorial! what day he was reconciled 
to y*^ pope & church of Rome, and in what universitie 
he tooke his scapula, and such & such degrees. It 
being brought to y* Gov% he kept it, and sent y® 
Gov*^ of y* Massachusets word of his taking, who sent 
for him. So y® Gov"" sent him and these notes to y* 
Gov*" ther, who tooke it very thankfuly; but after he 

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354 HISTORY OP [book II. 

gott for Englandy he shewed his malice, but God pre- 
vented him. 

See y® Gov' leter on y® other side.* 

S': It hath pleased God to bring S'. Christopher Grardener 
safe to us, with thos that came with him. And howsoever I 
never intended any hard measure to him, but to respecte and 
use him according to his qualitie, yet I let him know your 
care of him, and y* he shall speed y* better for your medi- 
ation. It was a spetiall providence of God to bring those 
notes of his to our hands; I desire y' you will please to 
speake to all y^ are privie to them, not to discovere them 
to any one, for y* may frustrate y* means of any further 
use to be made of them. The good Lord our God who hath 
allways ordered things for y* good of his poore churches 
here, directe as in this arighte, and dispose it to a good 
issue. I am sorie we put you to so much trouble about this 
gentleman, espetialy at this time of great imploymente, but 
I know not how to avoyed it. I must againe intreate you, 
to let me know what charge & treble any of your people 
have been at aboute him, y^ it may be recompenccd. So 
with the true affection of a frind, desiring all happines to 
your selfe & yours, and to all my worthy friends with you 
(whom I love in y'' Lord), I comende you to his grace & 
good providence, & rest 

* Your most assured friend, 

John Winthrop. 

Boston, May 5. 1631. 

By occation wherof I will take a litle libertie to 

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complying with others. And though I doubt not but 
it will be more fiilly done by my honourd friends, 
whom it did more directly conceme, and have more 
perticuler knowledg of y* matter, yet I will here give 
a hinte of y^ same, and Gods providence in preventing 
y® hurte that might have come by y® same. The 
intelligence I had by a letter from my much hon** 
and beloved freind, M'. John Winthrop, Gov*" of y* 

S': Upon a petition exhibited by S'. Christo: Gardner, S'. 
Ferd : Gorges, Captaine Masson, &c., against you and us, the 
cans^ was heard before y* lords of y* Privie Counsell, and 
after reported to y* king, the sucsess wbeix>f maks it evi- 
dent to all, that y* Lord hath care of his people hear. The 
passages are admirable, and too long to write. 1 hartily 
wish an opportunitie to imparte them unto you, being may 
sheets of paper. But y* conclusion was (against all mens 
expectation) an order for our incouragmente, and much blame 
and disgrace upon y* adversaries, w*** calls for much thank- 
fuUnes from us all, which we purpose (y* Lord willing) to 
express in a day of thanks-giving to our merciful! God, 
(I doubt not but you will consider, if it be not fitt for you 
to joyne in it,) who, as he hath humbled us by his late cor- 
rection, so he hath lifted us up, by an abundante rejoysing, 
in our deliverance out of so desperate a danger; so as that 
w^ our enemies builte their hopes upon to ruine us by. He 
hath mercifully disposed to our great advantage, as 1 shall 
further aquainte you, when occasion shall serve. 

The coppy of y* order follows. 

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356 HISTORY OP [book n. 

At y* courte at Whit-hall y* 19. Jan : 1682. 


SigiUum Lord Privie Seale Lord Cottinton 

Ea : of Dorsett M'. Tre' 

Lo : Vi : Falkland M'. Vic Chamb' 

Lo : Bp : of London M'. Sec : CkK>ke 

Maister Sec: Windebanck 

Wheras his Ma**' hath latly been informed of great dis- 
traction and much disorder in y^ plantation in y** parts of 
America called New-England, which, if they be true, & suf- 
fered to rune on, would tende to y* great dishonour of this 
kingdome, and utter ruine of that plantation. For pre- 
vention wherof, and for y* orderly settling of goverment, 
according to y intention of those patents which have been 
granted by his Ma^' and from his late royall father king 
James, it hath pleased his Ma"' that y* lords & others of his 
most honourable Privie Counsell, should take y* same into 
consideration. Their lordships in y* first place thought fitt 
to make a comitie of this bord, to take examination of y* 
matters informed; which comitties having called diverse of 
y* principall adventurers in y' plantation, and heard those 
that are complanants against them, most of the things in- 
formed being deneyed, and resting to be proved by parties 
that must be called from y' place, which required a long 
expence of time ; and at presente their lordships finding the 
adventurers were upon dispatch of men, victles, and mar- 
chandice for y* place, all which would be at a stand, if y* 
adventurers should have discouragmente, or take suspition 
that the state hear had no good opinion of y' plantation; 
their lordshios. not lavincr the faulte or fancies (it anv he) 

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inqaired iDto,) have thought fitt in y* meane time to declare, 
that the appearences were so faire, and hopes so greate, y* 
the ooantrie would prove both beneficiall to this kingdom, 
and profitable to the perticuler adventurers, as y* the ad- 
venturers had cause to goe on cherfully with their under- 
takings, and rest assured, if things were carried as was 
pretended when y* patents were granted, and accordingly as 
by the patentes it is appointed, his Majestic would not only 
maintaine the liberties & privileges heretofore granted, but 
supply any thing further that might tend to the good gover- 
mente, prosperitie, and comforte of his people ther of that 
place, &c. 

William Trukball. 

Anno Bom: 1632. 

M". Allerton, returning for England, litle regarded 
his bound of a 1000*'. to performe covenants ; for 
wheras he was bound by y* same to bring y* ship to 
[190] London, and to pay SO**, per month for her hire, 
he did neither of boath, for he carried her to Bristoll 
againe, from whence he intended to sett her out againe, 
and so did y® 3. time, into these parts (as after will 
appear) ; and though she had been 10. months upon 
y* former viage, at 30*'. p*" month, yet he never payed 
peney for hire. It should seeme he knew well enough 
how to deale with M"". Sherley. And M'. Sherley, 
though he would needs tye her & her accounte upon 
y*' generall, yet he would dispose of her as him selfe 
pleased; for though M^ Winslow had in their names 
protested against y*' receiving her on y' accounte, or if 

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358 HISTORY OP [book n. 

ever they should hope to preveile in shuch a thing, yet 
never to suffer M"". Allerton to have any more to doe 
in her, yet he y* last year let her wholy unto him, 
and injoyned them to send all their supplye in her to 
their prejudice, as is before noted. And now, though 
he broke his bonds, kepte no covenante, paid no hire, 
nor was ever like to keep covenants, yet now he goes 
and sells him all, both ship, & all her accounts, from 
first to last (and in effecte he might as well have given 
him y*^ same) ; and not only this, but he doth as 
good as provide a sanctuary for him, for he gives him 
one years time to prepare his accounte, and then to 
give up y* same to them here; and then another year 
for him to make paymente of what should be due upon 
y* accounte. And in y* mean time writs emestly to 
them not to interupte or hinder him from his bussines, 
or stay him aboute clearing accounts, &c. ; so as he 
in y^ mean time gathers up all monies due for fruighte, 
and any other debtes belonging either to her, or y* 
Frindship's accounts, as his owne perticuler; and after, 
sells ship, & ordnans, fish, & what he had raised, in 
Spaine, according to y® first designe, in effecte; and 
who had, or what became of y® money, he best knows. 
In y® mean time their hands were bound, and could doe 
nothing but looke on, till he had made all away into 
other mens hands (save a few catle & a litle land & 

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his from hence. T^ia will better appere by M'. Sher- 
ley*s leter. 

S': These few lines are further to give yon to understand, 
that seeing you & we, that never differed yet but aboute y* 
White-Angell, which somewhat troubleth us, as I perceive 
it doth you. And now M^ Allerton beeing here, we have 
had some confferauce with him about her, and find him very 
willing to give you & us all contente y' possiblie he can, 
though he burthen him selfe. He is contente to take y* 
White-Angell wholy on him selfe, notwithstanding he mett 
with pirates nere y* coast of lerland, which tooke away his 
best sayles & other provissions from her; so as verily if we 
should now sell her, she would yeeld but a small price, 
besids her ordnance. And to set her forth againe with fresh 
money we would not, she being now at Bristol I. Wherfore 
we thought it best, both for you & us, M^ Alleiton being 
willing to take her, to accepte of his bond of tow thousand 
pounds, to give [191] you a true & perfecte accounte, and 
take y* whole charge of y* Whit-Angell wholy to him selfe, 
from y* first to y* last. The accounte he is to make and 
perfecte within 12. months from y* date of this letter, and 
then to pay you at 6. and 6. months after, what soever shall 
be due unto you and us upon the foote of y' accounte. 
And verily, notwithstanding all y* disasters he hath had, 
I am perswaded he hath enough to pay all men hei*e and 
ther. Only they must have patience till he can gather in 
what is due to him ther. I doe not write this slightly, but 
upon some ground of what I have seen (and perhaps you 
know not of) under y* hands <& seals of some, Ac. I rest 
Your assured friend, 

James Shbrlet. 

Des : 6. 1632. 

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860 HISTORY OP [book II. 

But heres not a word of y* breach of former bonds 
& covenants, or paimente of y* ships hire; this is 
passt by as if no such thing had been; besids what 
bonds or obligments so ever they had of him, ther 
never came any into y® hands or sight of y* partners 
here. And for this y* M', Sherley seems to intimate 
(as a secrete) of his abilitie, under y® hands & seals 
of some, it was but a trick, having gathered up an 
accounte of what was owing form such base fellows as 
he had made traders for him, and other debts; and 
then got M^ Mahue, & some others, to affirme under 
their hand & scale, that they had seen shuch accounts 
y* were due to him. 

M'. Hatherley came over againe this year, but upon 
his owne occasions, and begane to make preparation 
to plant & dwell in y* countrie. He with his former 
dealings had wound in what money he had in y^ patner- 
ship into his owne hands, and so gave off all partner- 
ship (excepte in name), as was found in y* issue of 
things; neither did he medle, or take any care aboute 
y*. same; only he was troubled about his ingagmente 
aboute y* Friendship, as will after appeare. And now 
partly aboute y* accounte, in some reconings betweene 
M'. Allerton and him, and some debts v* M'. Allerton 

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tould him they had been foord longe enough with such 
things, and shewed him y* it no way belonged to 
them ; but tould him he must looke to make good his 
ingagment for y* Freindship, which caused some trouble 
betweene M'. Allerton and him. 

M'. William Peirce did y® like, M'. Allerton being 
wound into his debte also upon particuler dealings; 
as if they had been bound to make good all mens 
debts. But they easily shooke off these things. But 
M"^. Allerton herby ratie into much trouble & vexation, 
as well as he had troubled others, for M'. Denison sued 
him for y* money he had disbursed for y* 6. part of 
y« Whit-Angell, & recovered y* same with damages. 

Though y* partners were thus pluged into great in- 
gagments, & oppresed with unjust debts, yet y* Lord 
prospered their trading, that they made yearly large 
returnes, and had soone wound them selves out of all, 
if yet they had otherwise been well delt with all; as 
will more appear here after. [192] Also y® people 
of y® plantation begane to grow in their owtward 
estats, by reason* of y* flowing of many people into 
y® cuntrie, espetially into y'' Bay of y* Massachusets ; 
by which means come & catle rose to a great prise, 
by w*^** many were much inriched, and coinodities grue 
plentifiill ; and yet in other regards this benefite turned 
to their hurte, and this accession of strength to their 
weaknes. For now as their stocks increased, and y* 

* Rea- in the manuscript. 

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362 HISTORY OF [book II. 

increse vendible, ther was no longer any holding them 
togeather, but now they must of necessitie goe to their 
great lots; they could not other wise keep their katle; 
and having oxen growne, they must have land for 
plowing & tillage. And no man now thought he could 
live, except he had catle and a great deale of ground 
to keep them; all striving to increase their stocks. 
By which means they were scatered all over y* bay, 
quickly, and y* towne, in which they lived compactly 
till now, was left very thine, and in a short time 
allmost desolate. And if this had been all, it had 
been less, thoug to much ; but y® church must also be 
devided, and those y* had lived so long togeather in 
Christian & comfortable fellowship must now part and 
suffer many divissions. First, those that lived on their 
lots on y® other side of y® bay (called Duxberie) they 
could not long bring their wives & children to y* 
publick worship & church meetings here, but with such 
burthen, as, growing to some competente number, they 
sued to be dismissed and become a body of them 
selves; and so they were dismiste (about this time), 
though very unwillingly. But to touch this sadd 
matter, and handle things together that fell out after- 
ward. To prevent any further scatering from this 
place, and weakning of y^ same, it was thought best to 
give out some good farms to spetiall persons, y* would 

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Plimoth as farmes for the same ; and ther they might 
keepe their catle & tillage by some servants, and re- 
taine their dwellings here. And so some spetiall lands 
were granted at a place generall, called Greens Harbor, 
wher no allotments had been in y* former divission, a 
plase very weell meadowed, and fitt to keep & rear 
catle, good store. But alass 1 this remedy proved worse 
then y* disease; for w^Mn a few years those that had 
thus gott footing ther rente them selves away, partly 
by force, and partly wearing y® rest with importunitie 
and pleas of necessitie, so as they must either suffer 
them to goe, or live in continuall opposition and con- 
tention. And others still, as y*^ conceived them selves 
straitened, or to want accomodation, break away under 
one pretence or other, thinking their owne conceived 
necessitie, and the example of others, a warrente suffi- 
€ente for them. And this, I fear, will be y* mine of 
New-England, at least of y* churches of God ther, & 
will provock y® Lords displeasure against them. 

[193] This year, M'. William Perce came into y* 
€untry, & brought goods and passengers, in a ship 
caled y* Lyon, which belonged cheefly to M'. Sherley, 
and y* rest of y® London partners, but these hear had 
nothing to doe with her. In this ship (besides beaver 
which they had sent home before) they sent upwards 
of 800*^. in her, and some otter skines; and -also y* 
<5oppies of M'. AUertons accounts, desiring that they 
would also peruse & examene them, and rectifie shuch 

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364 HISTORY OP [book II. 

things as they should find amise in them; and rather 
because they were better acquaynted with y* goods 
bought ther, and y* disbursments made, then they 
could bee here; yea, a great part were done by them 
selves, though M"". Allerton brougt in y* accounte, 
and sundry things seemed to them obscure and had 
need of clearing. Also they sente a booke of excep- 
tions against his accounts, in such things as they could 
manifest, and doubted not but they might adde more 
therunto. And also shewed them how much M^ Aller- 
ton was debtor to y* accounte; and desired, seeing 
they had now put y* ship White-Angell, and all, 
wholy into his power, and tyed their hands here, that 
they could not call him to accounte for any thinge, till 
y® time was expired which they had given him, and 
by that time other men would get their debts of him, 
(as sume had done already by suing him,) and he 
would make all away here quickly out of their reach; 
and therfore prayed them to looke to things, and gett 
paymente of him ther, as it was all y® reason they 
should, seeing they keept all y® bonds & covenants 
they made with him in their owne hands; and here 
they could doe nothing by y* course they had taken, 
nor had any thing to show if they should goe aboute 
it. But it pleased God. this shin, heinet first to sroe 

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kind) ; but M'. Peirce & y® men saved their lives, 
and also their leters, and gott into Virginia, and so 
safly home. Y® accounts were now sent from hence 
againe to them. And thus much of y^ passages of this 

A part of M^. Peirce his leter * from Virginia, 
It was dated in Des: 25. 1632. and came to their 
hand y* 7. of Aprill, before they heard any thing from 

Dear freinds, &c. Y* bruit of this fatall stroke that y* 
Lord hath brought both on me and you all will come to your 
ears before this cometh to your hands, (it is like,) aad ther- 
fore I shall not need to inlarg in perticulers, &c. My whole 
estate (for y* most parte) is taken away ; and so yours, in 
a great measure, by this and your former losses [he means 
by y* French & M'. Allerton]. It is time to looke aboute 
us, before y* wrath of y* Lord breake forth to utter destruc- 
tion The good Lord give us all grace to search our hai-ts 
and trie our ways, and turne unto y*^ Lord, and humble our 
selves under his mightie hand, and seeke atonemente, &c. 
Dear freinds, you may know y* all your beaver, and y* books 
of your accounts, are swallowed up in y* sea; your letters 
remaine with me, and shall be delivered, if God bring me 
home. But what should I more say? Have we lost our 
outward estates? yet a hapy loss if our soules may gaine ; 
ther is yet more in y* Lord Jehova than ever we had yet 
in y* world. Oh that our foolish harts could yet be wained 
from y* things here below, which are vanity and vexation 

* This letter was written on the reverse of folio 192 of the original mana- 
script, and maj properly be inserted here. 

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366 HISTOBT OP [book II. 

of spirite; and yet we fooles catch after shadows, y* flye 
away, <& are gone in a momente, <&c. Thas with my con- 
tinaall remembrance of yoa in my poore desires to y* throne 
of grace, beseeching God to renew his love & favoure towards 
you all, in & throogh y* Lord Jesus Christ, both in spirituall 
& temporall good things, as may be most to the glory & praise 
of his name, and your everlasting good. So I rest. 
Your afflicted brother in Christ, 

William Peiroe. 
Virginia, Des: 25. 1682. 

Anno Bom: 1633. 
This year M'. Ed: Winslow was chosen Governor, 
By the first retume this year, they had leters from 
M'. Sherley of M'. Allertons further ill success, and 
y* loss by M', Peirce, with many sadd complaints; 
but litle hope of any thinge to be gott of M'. AUer- 
ton, or how their accounts might be either eased, or 
any way rectified by them ther; but now saw plainly 
y^ the burthen of all would be cast on their backs. 
The spetiall passages of his letters I shall here inserte, 
as shall be pertinente to these things ; for though I am 
weary of this tedious & uncomfortable subjecte, yet 
for y* clearing of y* truth I am compelled to be more 
larg in y® opening of these matters, upon w*^** [19*] 
so much trouble hath insued, and so many hard cen- 
sures have passed on both sids. I would not be par- 
tiall to either, but deliver y® truth in all, and, as nere 
as I can, in their owne words and passages, and so 
leave it to the impartiall judgment of any that shall 

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-i S.> I r.-M. 
. • . ^ ( ! M. 

;--. • ^ •*•■:.. 

'. :' V h:ivl l*-tt'r?> from 

•'- ' tst'i- T- ill MH*' <'^."!', aritl 

.■i:i.\ "."M c'OiHplaint."^ ; 

. 1 , ;- i: «!r (,f \r. Allrr- 

*- . ' * 'i' i-iii« r eased, or 

■■ '' ■ ^ ; 1 t now Hiivv |Mjiiily 

•■ ■• . t* ; twr I'l'.'iull I :il . 

V un. . i.i'«iit:J I. ^■t''i- I t*\ Vf't 

,,., i ,M 11 lonun !'• 1 to Im' iiii>M' 

• - ; i, ' . i -n II •.■., hanl (••Mi- 

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come to read, or veiw these things. His leters are aa 
folow, dated June 24. 1633. 

Loving friends, my last* was sente in y* Mary & John,^ 
by M'. William Collier, Ac. I then certified you of y* greats 
& uncomfortable, and unseasonable loss you &, we had, in 
y* loss of M'. Peirce his ship, y* Lyon; but y* Lords holy^ 
name be blessed, who gives & taks as it pleaseth him ; his. 
will be done, Amen. JE then related unto you y* fearfull 
accidente, or rather judgmente, y* Lord pleased to lay on 
London Bridge, by fire, and therin gave you a touch of mj 
great loss; the Lord, I hope, will give me patience to bear 
it, and faith to trust in him, & not in these slipery and un* 
certaine things of this world. 

I hope M'. Allerton is nere upon sayle with you by this; 
but he had many disasters here before he could gett away; 
yet y* last was a heavie one ; his ship, going out of y* har- 
bor at Bristoll, by stormie weather was so farr driven on y* 
shore, as it cost him above 100". before shee could be gott 
off againe. Verily his case was so lamentable as I could 
not but afford him some help therin (and so did some were 
strangers to him) ; besids, your goods were in her, and if 
he had not been supported, he must have broke off his 
viage, and so loss could not have been avoyded on all 
sides. When he first bought her, I thinke he had made 
a saving match, if he had then sunck her, and never set 
her foi*th. I hope lie sees y' Lords hand against him, 
and will leave of these viages. I thinke we did well in 
parting with her; she would have been but a clogge to 
y* accounte from time to time, and now though we shall 
not gett much by way of satisfaction, yet we shall lose 
no more. And now, as before I have writte, I pray you 
finish all y* accounts and reconings with him there ; for here^ 

• March 22. 

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368 HISTORY OF [book U. 

he hath nothing, but many debtes that he stands ingaged 
to many men for. Besids, here is not a man y* will spend 
a day, or soai*ce an hower, aboate y* accounts but my selfe, 
and y' bussines will require more time and help then I can 
afford. I shall not need to say any more ; I hope you will 
doe y^ which shall be best & just, to which adde mercie, 
and consider his intente, though he failed in many perticu- 
lers, which now cannot be helped, <&c. 

To morrow, or next day at furthest, we are to pay 300". 
and M'. Beachamp is out of y* towne, yet y* bussines I 
must doe. Oh the greefe & trouble y* man, M'. AUerton, 
hath brought upon you and us! I cannot forgett it, and 
to thinke on it draws many a sigh from my harte, and 
teares from my eyes. And now y* Lord hath visited me 
with an other great loss, yet I can undergoe it with more 
patience. But this I have follishly pulled upon my selfe, 
&c. [And in another, he hath this passage :] By M'. Aller- 
tons faire propositions and large [195] promises, I have 
over rune my selfe ; verily, at this time greefe hinders me 
to write, and tears will not suffer me to see ; wherfore, as 
you love those that ever loved you, and y* plantation, thinke 
upon us. Oh what shall I say of that man, who hath abused 
your trust and wronged our loves! but now to complaine is 
too late, nither can I complaine of your backward nes, for 
I am perswaded it lys as heavie on your harts, as it doth 
on our purses or credites. And had y' Lord sent M'. 
Peirce safe home, we had eased both you and us of some 
of those debts; the Lord I hope will give us patience to 
bear these crosses; and that great God, whose care & 
providence is every where, and spetially over all those that 
desire truly to fear and serve him, direct, guid, prosper, 
& blesse you so, as y* you may be able (as I perswade 

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sands more; for had not you & we joyned & continaed 
togeather, New-England might yet have been scarce knowne, 
I am pers waded, not so replenished & inhabited with honest 
English people, as it now is The Lord increase <& blesse 
them, &c. So, with my contlnuall praiers for you all, I rest 
Youi* assured loving friend, 

James Sherlet. 
June 24. 1633. 

By this it apperes when M'. Sherly scald him y* ship 
& all her accounts, it was more for M'. Allertons ad- 
vantage then theirs; and if they could get any there, 
well & good, for they were like to have nothing here. 
And what coarse was held to hinder them there, hath 
allready beene manifested. And though M'. Sherley 
became more sinsible of his owne condition, by these 
losses, and therby more sadly & plainly to complaine 
of M*". AUerton, yet no coarse was taken to help them 
here, bat all left unto them selves; not so mach as to 
examene & rectifie y*' accounts, by which (it is like) 
some hundereds of pounds might have been taken off. 
But very probable it is, the more they saw was taken 
off, y* less might come unto them selves. But I leave 
these maters, & come to other things. 

M'. Roger Williams (a man godly & zealous, having 
many precious parts, but very unsettled in judgmente) 
came over first to y* Massachusets, but upon some dis- 
contente left y* place, and came hither, (wher he was 
fri^dly entertained, according to their poore abilitie,) 
and exercised his gifts amongst them, & after some 

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370 HISTORY OP [book II. 

time was admitted a member of y^ church ; and his 
teaching well approoved, for y® benefite wherof I still 
blese God, and am thankful! to him, even for his 
sharpest admonitions & reproufs, so farr as they agreed 
with truth. He this year begane to fall into some 
Strang oppuons, and fix)m opinion to practise r which 
caused some controversie betweene y^ church & him, 
and in y* end some discontente on his parte, by occa- 
sion wherof he left them some thing abruptly. Yet 
after wards sued for his dismission to y* church of 
Salem, which was granted, with some caution to them 
concerning him, and what care they ought to have of 
him. But he soone fell into more things ther, both 
to their and y* goverments troble and [196] disturb- 
ance. I shall not need to name perticulers, they are 
too well knowen now to all, though for a time y* 
church here wente under some hard censure by his 
occasion, from some that afterwards smarted them 
selves. But he is to be pitied, and prayed for, and 
so I shall leave y* matter, and desire y* Lord to shew 
him his errors, and reduse him into y® way of truth, 
and give him a setled judgment and constancie in y* 
same ; for I hope he belongs to y* Lord, and y* he 
will shew him mercie. 

Having had formerly converse and famliarity with 
y® Dutch, (as is before remembred,) they, seeing them 
seated here in a barren quarter, tould them of a river 
called by them y* Fresh River, but now is known 

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by y* name of C!onightecute-River, which they often 
comended onto them for a fine place both for plantation 
and trade, and wished them to make use of it. But 
their hands being full otherwise, they let it pass. But 
afterwards ther coming a company of banishte Indeans 
into these parts, that were drivene out from thence by 
the potencie of y* Pequents, which usurped upon them, 
and drive them from thence, they often sollisited them to 
goe thither, and they should have much trad, espetially 
if they would keep a house ther. And having now 
good store of comodities, and allso need to looke out 
wher they could advantage them selves to help them 
out of their great ingagments, they now begane to send 
that way to discover y*' same, and trade with y* natives. 
They found it to be a fine place, but had no great 
store of trade; but y* Indeans excused y* same in re- 
gard of y* season, and the fear y* Indans were in of 
their enemise. So they tried diverce times, not with 
out profite, but saw y* most certainty would be by 
keeping a house ther, to receive y* trad when it came 
down out of y* inland. These Indeans, not seeing 
them very forward to build ther, solisited them of y® 
Massachusets in like sorte (for their end was to be 
restored to their countrie againe) ; but they in y® Bay 
being but latly come, were not fitte for y* same; but 
some of their cheefe made a motion to joyne w"' the 
partners here, to trad joyntly with them in y* river, 
the which they were willing to imbrace, and so they 

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372 HISTORY OP [book H. 

should have builte, and put in equall stock togeather. 
A time of meeting was appointed at y® Massaohusets, 
and some of y® che^sfe here was appointed to treat with 
them, and went accordingly; but they cast many fears 
of deanger & loss and the like, which was perceived 
to be the maine obstacles, though they alledged they 
were not provided of trading goods. But those hear 
offered at presente to put in sufficiente for both, pro- 
vided they would become ingaged for y* halfe, and 
prepare against y* nexte year. They conffessed more 
could not be offered, but thanked them, and tould them 
they had no mind to it. They then answered, they 
hoped it would be no offence unto [197] them, if them 
sellves wente on without them, if they saw it meete. 
They said ther was no reason they should; and thus 
this treaty broake of, and those here tooke conveniente 
time to made a begining ther ; and were y® first English 
that both discovered that place, and built, in y* same, 
though they were litle better then thrust out of it after- 
ward as may appeare. 

But y® Dutch begane now to repente, and hearing 
of their purpose & preparation, ind^ured to pi-evente 
them, and gott in a litle before them, and made a 
slight forte, and planted 2. peeces of ordnance, threten- 

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provisioDS fitting for their use. This they did y* rather 
that they might have a presente defence against y* 
Indeans, who weare much offended that they brought 
home & restored y* right Sachem of y* place (called 
Natawanute) ; so as they were to incounter with a duble 
danger in this attempte, both y** Dutch and y*" Indeans. 
When they came up y* river, the Dutch demanded 
what they intended, and whither they would goe ; they 
answered, up y* river to trade (now their order was 
to goe and seat above them). They bid them strike, 
& stay, or els they would shoote them; & stood by 
ther ordnance ready fitted. They answered they had 
comission from y« Gov*^ of Plimoth to goe up y* river 
to such a place, and if they did shoote, they must obey 
their order and proceede ; they would not molest them, 
but would goe one. So they passed along, and though 
the Dutch threatened them hard, yet they shoot not. 
Coming to their place, they clapt up their house 
quickly, and landed their provissions, and left y® com- 
panie appoynted, and sent the barke home; and after- 
wards palisadoed their house aboute, and fortified them 
selves better. The Dutch sent word home to y® Mon- 
hatas what was done ; and in proces of time, they sent 
a band of aboute 70. men, in warrlike maner, with 
collours displayed, to assaulte them; but seeing them 
strengtened, & that it would cost blood, they came 
to parley, and returned in peace. And this was their 
enterance ther, who deserved to have held it, and not 

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374 HISTOBY OF [book II. 

by freinds to have been thrust out, as in a sorte they 
were, as will after appere. They did y* Dutch no 
wrong, for they took not a foote of any land they 
bought, but went to y** place above them, and bought 
that tracte of land which belonged to these Indeans 
which they carried with them, and their friends, with 
whom y* Dutch had nothing to doe. But of these 
matters more in another place. 

It pleased y* Lord to visite them this year with an 
infectious fevoure, of which many fell very sicke, and 
upward of 20. persons dyed, men and women, besids 
children, and sundry of them of their anciente friends 
which had lived in Holand; as Thomas Blossome, 
Bichard Masterson, with sundry [198] others, and in 
y* end (after he had much helped others) Samuell 
Fuller, who was their surgeon & phisition, and had 
been a great help and comforte unto them; as in his 
facultie, so otherwise, being a deacon of y* church, 
a man godly, and forward to doe good, being much 
missed after his death; and he and y* rest of their 
brethren much lamented by them, and caused much 
sadnes & mourning amongst them ; which caused them 
to humble them selves, & seeke y* Lord ; and towards 
winter it pleased the Lord y® sicknes ceased. This 
disease allso swept away many of y* Indeans from 
all y* places near adjoyning; and y* spring before, 

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to wasps, or bumble-bees, which came out of holes in 
y® ground, and replenished all y® woods, and eate y« 
green-things, and made such a constante yelling noyes, 
as made all y* woods ring of them, and ready to deafe 
y^ hearers. They have not by y* English been heard 
or seen before or since. But y* Indeans tould them 
y* sicknes would follow, and so it did in June, July, 
August, and y* cheefe heat of somer. 

It pleased y* Lord to inable them this year to send 
home a great quantity of beaver, besids paing all their 
charges, & debts at home, which good retume did 
much incourage their freinds in England. They sent 
in beaver 3366**. waight, and much of it coat beaver, 
which yeeled 20'. p' pound, & some of it above ; and 
of otter-skines * 346. sould also at a good prise. And 
thus much of y* affairs of this year. 

Anno Dom: 1634. 

This year M'. Thomas Prence was chosen Gov*". 

M^ Sherleys letters were very breefe in answer of 
theirs this year. I will forbear to coppy any part 
therof, only name a head or 2. therin. First, he 
desirs they will take nothing ill in what he formerly 
write, professing his good affection towards them as 
before, &c. 2*^; For M'. Allertons accounts, he is 
perswaded they must suffer, and y* in no small sumes ; 

* The skin was sold at 14*. and 15. y« pound. 

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876 HISTORY OP [book n* 

and that they have cause enoagh to oomplaine, bat it 
was now too late. And that he had failed them ther^ 
those here, and him selfe in his owne aimes. And 
that now, having thus left them here, he feared God 
had or would leave him, and it would not be Strang, 
but a wonder if he fell not into worse things, &c. 3'^. 
He blesseth God and is thankful! to them for y* good 
returne made this year. This is y* effecte of his 
letters, other things being of more private nature. 

I am now to enter upon one of y* sadest things that 
befell them since they came; but before I begine, it 
will be needfuU to premise such parte of their patente 
as gives them right and priviledge at Eenebeck; as 
foUoweth : 

[199] The said Coansell hath further given, granted, bar- 
ganed, sold, infeofifed, alloted, assigned, & sett over, and 
by these presents doe clearly and absolutly give, grante, 
bai^ane, sell, alliene, enffeofe, allote, assigne, and confirme 
unto y* said William Bradford, his heires, associates, and 
assignes, All that tracte of land or part of New-England 
in America afforesaid, which lyeth within or betweene, and 
extendeth it selfe from y* utmost limits of Cobiseconte, which 
adjoyneth to y* river of Kenebeck, towaixls the westerne 
ocean, and a place called y* falls of Nequamkick in America, 
aforsaid ; and y* space of 15. English myles on each side 
of y* said river, commonly called Kenebeck River, and all y* 
said river called Kenebeck that lyeth within the said limits 
& bounds, eastward, westward, northward, & southward, last 
above mentioned; and all lands, grounds, soyles, rivers, 
waters, fishing, &c. And by vertue of y* authority to us de- 

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rived by his said late Ma^ Lres patents, to take, apprehend, 
seise, and make prise of all such persons, their ships and 
goods, as shall attempte to inhabite or trade with y* savage 
people of that countrie within y^ severall precincts and limits 
of his & their severall plantations, &c. 

Now it so fell out, that one Hocking, belonging to 
y® plantation of Pascataway, wente with a barke and 
comodities to trade in that river, and would needs 
press into their limites; and not only so, but would 
needs goe up y® river above their house, (towards y* 
falls of y* river,) and intercept the trade that should 
come to them. He that was cheefe of y* place forbad 
them, and prayed him that he would not offer them 
that injurie, nor goe aboute to infring their liberties, 
which had cost them so dear. But he answered he 
would goe up and trade ther in dispite of them, and 
lye ther as longe as he pleased. The other tould him 
he must then be forced to remove him from thence, or 
make seasure of him if he could. He bid him doe his 
worste, and so wente up, and anchored ther. The 
other tooke a boat & some men & went up to him, 
when he saw his time, and againe entreated him to 
departe by what perswasion he could. But all in 
vaine : he could gett nothing of him but ill words. 
So he considred that now was y® season for trade 
to come downe, and if he should suffer him to lye, 
& take it from them, all ther former charge would be 
lost, and they had better throw up all. So, con- 

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378 HISTORY OF [book H. 

suiting with his men, (who were willing thertoe,) he 
resolved to put him from his anchores, and let him 
drive downe y® river with y* streame ; but comanded y* 
men y* none should shoote a shote upon any occasion, 
except he comanded them. He spoake to him againe, 
but all in vaine; then he sente a cuple in a canow to 
cutt his cable, the which one of them performes; but 
Hocking taks up a pece which he had layed ready, 
and as y* barke shered by y® canow, he shote [200] 
him close under her side, in y** head, (as I take it,) 
so he fell downe dead instantly. One of his fellows 
(that loved him well) could not hold, but with a 
muskett shot Hocking, who fell downe dead and never 
speake word. This was y* truth of y® thing. The 
rest of y* men carried home the vessell and y* sad 
tidings of these things. Now y** Lord Saye & y* Lord 
Brooks, with some other great persons, had a hand in 
this plantation; they write home to them, as much as 
they could to exasperate them in y^ matter, leaveing 
out all y* circomstances, as if he had been kild without 
any offenc of his parte, conceling y* he had kild another 
first, and y® just occasion that he had given in offering 
such wrong; at w*^*^ their Lords^' were much offended, 
till they were truly informed of y^ mater. 

The bruite of this was quickly carried all aboute, 
(and y* in y* worst maner,) and came into y® Bay 

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were sadly affected with y* thing, as they had cause. 
It was not long before they had occasion to send their 
vessell into y* Bay of y* Massachusetts ; but they were 
so prepossest with this matter, and affected with y* 
same, as they comited M^ Alden to prison, who was 
in y^ bark, and had been at Kenebeck, but was no 
actore in y* bussines, but wente to carie them supply. 
They dismist y' barke aboute her bussines, but kept 
him for some time. This was thought Strang here, 
and they sente Capten Standish to give them true in- 
formation, (togeather with their letters,) and y* best 
satisfaction they could, and to procure M*". Alden's 
release. I shall recite a letter or 2. which will show 
the passages of these things, as folloeth. 


1 have received your h^' by Captaine Standish, & am 
unfainedly glad of Gods mercie towards you in y* recovery 
of your health, or some way thertoo. For y* bussines you 
write of, I thought meete to answer a word or 2. to your 
selfe, leaving the answer of your Gov' h'e to our courte, to 
whom y* same, together with my selfe is directed. I conceive 
(till I hear new matter to y* contrary) that your patente may 
warrente your resistance of any English from trading at 
Kenebeck, and y' blood of Hocking, and y* partie he slue, 
will be required at his hands. Yet doe I with your selfe <& 
others sorrow for their deaths. I thinke likewise y' your 
generall ires will satisfie our courte, and make them cease 
from any further inter medling in y* mater. I have upon 
y® same he sett M'. Alden at liberty, and his sureties, and 
yet, least I should seeme to neglecte y* opinion of our court 

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380 HISTORY OP [book II. 

& y* frequente speeches of others with us, I have bound 
Captaioe Stand ish to appeare y* 3. of June at our nexte 
courte, to make affidavid for y* coppie of y* patente, and 
to manifest the circumstances of Hockins provocations ; both 
which will tend to y* clearing of your inocencie. If any 
unkindnes hath ben taken from what we have done, let it 
be further & better considred of, I pray you ; and I hope y* 
more you thinke of it, the lesse blame you will impute to us. 
At least you ought to be just in differencing them, whose 
opinions concurr [201] with your owne, from others who 
were opposites; and yet I may truly say, I have spoken w*** 
no man in y* bussines who taxed you most, but they are 
such as have many wayes heretofore declared ther good 
affections towards your plantation. I further referr my selfe 
to y* reporte of Captaine Standish & M'. Allden ; leaving 
you for this presente to Gods blessing, wishing unto you 
perfecte recovery of health, and y* long continuance of it. 
I desire to be lovingly remembred to M'. Prence, your Gov', 
M'. Winslow, M'. Brewster, whom I would see if I knew 
how. The Lord keepe you all. Amen. 

Your very loving freind in our Lord Jesus, 

Tho: Dudley. 
New-towne, y* 22. of May, 1634. 

Another of his about these things as foUoioeih. 

S': I am right sorrie for y* news that Captaine Standish & 
other of your neigbours and my beloved freinds will bring 
now to Plimoth, wherin I suffer with you, by reason of my 
opinion, which differeth from others, who are godly & wise, 
amongst us here, the reverence of whose judgments causeth 
me to susoecte mvne owne ifirnorance : vet must I remaine 

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to have reconciled differences in y* best season St maner I 
could; but Captaine Standish requiring an answer therof 
publickly in y* courte, I was forced to produce it, and that 
made y* breach soe wide as he can tell you. I propounded 
to y* courte, to answer M'. Prences Ire, your Gov', but our 
courte said it required no answer, it selfe being an answer 
to a former Ire of ours. I pmy you certifie M'. Prence so 
much, and others whom it concereth, that no neglecte or ill 
maners be imputed to me theraboute. The late ires I received 
from England wrought in me divere fears* of some trials 
which are shortly like to fall upon us; and this unhappie 
contention betweene you and us, and between you <& Pas- 
cattaway, will hasten them, if God with an extraordinarie 
hand doe not help us. To reconcile this for y* presente 
will be very difficulte, but time cooleth distempers, and a 
comone danger to us boath approaching, will necessitate our 
uniting againe. I pray you therfore, S'. set your wisdom 
& patience a worke, and exhorte others to y* same, that 
things may not proceede from bad to worse, so making our 
contentions like y* barrs of a pallace, but that a way of 
peace may be kepte open, wherat y* God of peace may have 
entemnce in his owne time. If you, suffer wrong, it shall 
be your honor to bear it patiently; but I goe to farr in 
needles putting you in mind of these things. God hath done 
great things for you, and I desire his blessings may be 
multiplied upon you more & more. I will commite no more 
to writing, but comending my selfe to your prayers, doe rest. 
Your truly loving freind in our Lord Jesus, 

Tho^ Dudlbt. 
June 4. 1^84. 

* Ther wm cause enough of these feares, which arise hj j* underworlciag 
of some enemies to y* churches here, by which this Comission following was 
procured from his Ma<i*. (See this paper in appendix, No. 11.) 

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382 HISTORY OP [book II. 

By these things it appars what troubls rise her- 
upon, and how hard they were to be reconciled; for 
though they hear were hartily sorrie for what waa 
fallen out, yet they conceived they were unjustly 
injuried, and provoked to what was done; and that 
their neigbours (haveing no jurisdiction over them) 
did more then was mete, thus to imprison one of 
theirs, and bind them to [202] their courte. But 
yet being assured of their Christian love, and per- 
swaded what was done was out of godly zeale, that 
religion might not suffer, nor sine any way covered 
or borne with, espetially y* guilte of blood, of which 
all should be very consciencious in any whom soever,, 
they did indeavore to appease & satisfie them y^ best 
they could; first, by informing them y* truth in all 
circomstances aboute y* matter ; 2*^, in being willing to 
referr y* case to any indifferante and equall hearing 
and judgmente of the thing hear, and to answere it 
els wher when they should be duly called therunto; 
and further they craved M^ Winthrops, & other of y* 
reve^ magistrats ther, their advice & direction herein. 
This did mollifie their minds, and bring things to a 
good & comfortable issue in y* end. 

For they had this advice given them by M"". Win- 
throp, & others concurring with him, that from their 

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them meeting at some fitt place, to consulte & deter- 
mine in this matter, so as j^ parties meeting might 
have fiill power to order & bind, &c. And that noth- 
ing be done to y* infringing or prejudice of y* liber- 
ties of any place. And for y* clearing of conscience, 
y* law of God is, y' y* preist lips must be consulted 
with, and therfore it was desired that y* ministers 
of every plantation might be presente to give their 
advice in pointe of conscience. Though this course 
seemed dangerous to some, yet they were so well 
assured of y* justice of their cause, and y* equitie 
of their freinds, as they put them selves upon it, & 
appointed a time, of which they gave notice to y^ 
severall places a month before hand ; viz. Massachu- 
sets, Salem, & Pascataway, or any other y* they 
would give notice too, and disired them to produce 
any evidence they could in y* case. The place for 
meeting was at Boston. But when y* day & time 
came, none apered, but some of y* magistrats and 
ministers of y* Massachusets, and their owne. Seeing 
none of Passcataway or other places came, (haveing 
been thus desired, & conveniente time given them for 
y* end,) M^ Winthrop & y® rest said they could doe 
no more then they had done thus to requeste them, 
y* blame must rest on them. So they fell into a fair 
debating of things them selves ; and after all things 
had been fully opened & discussed, and y® opinione 
of each one demanded, both magistrats, and ministers, 

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384 HISTORY OF [book H. 

though they all could have wished these things had 
never been, yet they could not but lay y® blame & 
guilt on Hockins owne head; and withall gave them 
such grave & godly exhortations and advice, as they 
thought meete, both for y* presente & future; which 
they allso imbraced with love & thankfuUnes, prom- 
ising to indeavor to follow y*' same. And thus was 
this matter ended, and ther love and concord re- 
newed ; and also M"". Winthrop & M*". Dudley write 
in their behalfes to y* Lord Ssay & other gentl-men 
that were interesed in y* plantation, very effectually, 
w*** which, togeather with their owne leters, and M'. 
Winslows furder declaration of things unto them, they 
rested well satisfied. 

[203] M^ Winslow was sente by them this year 
into England, partly to informe and satisfie y® Lord 
Say & others, in y^ former matter, as also to make 
answer and their just defence for y® same, if any 
thing should by any be prosecuted against them at 
Counsell-table, or els wher; but this matter tooke 
end, without any further trouble, as is before noted. 
And partly to signifie unto y* partners in England, 
that the terme of their trade with y* company here 
was out, and therfore he was sente to finishe j^ 
accounts with them, and to bring them notice how 
much debtore they should remaine on y* accounte, 

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appear in y* next years passages. They now sente 
over by him a great retume, which was very accep- 
table unto them ; which was in beaver 3738*". waight, 
(a great part of it, being coat-beaver, sould at 20*. 
p^ pound,) and 234. otter skines;* which alltogeather 
rise to a great sume of money. 

This year (in y* foreparte of y* same) they sente 
forth a barke to trad at y^ Dutch-Plantation; and 
they mette ther with on Captaine Stone, that had 
lived in Christophers, one of y** West-Ende Hands, 
and now had been some time in Virginia, and came 
from thence into these parts. He kept company with 
y* Dutch Gove% and, I know not in what drunken 
fitt, he gott leave of y* Gov' to ceaise on their barke, 
when they were ready to come away, and had done 
their markett, haveing y* valew of 500**. worth of 
goods abord her; having no occasion at all, or any 
collour of ground for such a thing, but having made 
y® Gov"" drunck, so as he could scarce speake a right 
word ; and when he urged him hear aboute, he answered 
him, Ah H u bdeeft.^ So he gat abord, (the cheefe of 
their men & marchant being ashore,) and with some 
of his owne men, made y® rest of theirs waigh an- 
chor, sett sayle, & carry her away towards Virginia. 
But diverse of y® Dutch sea-men, which had bene often 
at Plimoth, and kindly entertayned ther, said one to 
another. Shall we suffer our freinds to be thus abused, 

• And y« skin at 14«. + That is, " If 70U please." 

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386 HISTORY OP [book n. 

and have their goods carried away, before our faces, 
whilst our Gov*" is drunke? They vowed they would 
never suffer it; and so gott a vessell or 2. and pur- 
sued him, & brought him in againe, and delivered 
them their barke & goods againe. 

After wards Stone came into y^ Massachusets, and 
they sent & commensed suite against him for this 
facte; but by mediation of freinds it was taken up, 
and y® suite lett fall. And in y** company of some 
other gentle-men Stone came afterwards to Plimoth, 
and had freindly & civill entertainmente amongst them, 
with y* rest; but revenge boyled within his brest, 
(though concelled,) for some conceived he had a pur- 
pose (at one time) to have staped the Gov', and put 
his hand to his dagger for that end, but by Gods 
providence and y* vigilance of some was prevented. 
He afterward returned to Virginia, in a pinass, with 
one Captaine Norton & some others; and, I know not 
for what occasion, they would needs goe up Coonigte- 
cutt River; and how they carried themselves I know 
not, but y® Indeans knoct him in y® head, as he lay 
in his cabine, and had thrown y* covering over his 
face (whether out of fear or desperation is uncer- 
taine) ; this was his end. They likewise killed all y* 
rest, but Captaine Norton defended him selfe a long 
time against them all in y® cooke-roome, till by acci- 

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SO bume, & scald him, & blind his eyes, as he could 
make no longer resistance, but was slaine also by 
them, though they much comended his vallour. And 
having killed y* men, they made a pray of what they 
had, and chafered away some of their things to y* 
Dutch that lived their. But it was not longe before 
a quarell fell betweene the Dutch & them, and they 
would have cutt of their bark ; but they slue y* cheef 
sachem w"* y* shott of a murderer.* 

I am now to relate some Strang and remarkable pas- 
sages. Ther was a company of people lived in y* 
country, up above in y* river of Conigtecut, a great 
way from their trading house ther, and were enimise 
to those Indeans which lived aboute them, and of 
whom they stood in some fear (bing a stout people). 
About a thousand of them had inclosed them selves 
in a forte, which they had strongly palissadoed about. 
3. or 4. Dutch men went up in y* begining of winter 
to live with them, to gett their trade, and prevente 
them for bringing it to y* English, or to fall into 
amitie with them; but at spring to bring all downe 
to their place. But their enterprise failed, for it 
pleased God to visite these Indeans with a great sick- 
nes, and such a mortalitie that of a 1000. above 900. 
and a halfe of them dyed, and many of them did rott 
above ground for want of buriall, and y® Dutch men 

* The two paragraphs above were written on the reverse of folios 202 and 
203 of the original manascript, under this year. 

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388 HISTORY OP [book n. 

allmost starved before they could gett away, for ise 
and snow. But about Feb : they got with much diffi- 
cultie to their trading house; whom they kindly re- 
leeved, being allmost spente with hunger and could. 
Being thus refreshed by them diverce days, they got 
to their owne place, and y* Dutch were very thankftill 
for this kindnes. 

This spring, also, those Indeans that lived aboute 
their trading house there fell sick of y* small poxe, 
and dyed most miserably; for a sorer disease cannot 
befall them; they fear it more then y* plague; for 
usualy they that have this disease have them in abun- 
dance, and for wante of bedding & lining and other 
helps, they fall into a lamentable condition, as they 
lye on their hard matts, y* poxe breaking and matter- 
ing, and runing one into another, their skin cleaving 
(by reason therof) to the matts they lye on; when 
they tume them, a whole side will flea of at once, 
[204] (as it were,) and they will be all of a gore 
blood, most fearfuU to behold; and then being very 
sore, what with could and other distempers, they dye 
like rotten sheep. The condition of this people was 
so lamentable, and they fell downe so generally of 
this diseas, as they were (in y* end) not able to help 
on another; no, not to make a fire, nor to fetch a 
litle water to drinke, nor any to burie y® dead; but 

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would bume y* woden trayes & dishes they ate their 
meate in, and their very bowes & arrowes ; & some 
would crawle out on all foure to gett a litle water, 
and some times dye by y* way, & not be able to gett 
in againe. But those of y* English house, (though 
at first they were afraid of y® infection,) yet seeing 
their woefull and sadd condition, and hearing their 
pitifull cries and lamentations, they had compastion 
of them, and dayly fetched them wood & water, and 
made them fires, gott them victualls whilst they lived, 
and buried them when they dyed. For very few of 
them escaped, notwithstanding they did what they 
could for them, to y* haszard of them selvs. The 
cheefe Sachem him selfe now dyed, & allmost all his 
freinds & kinred. But by y* marvelous goodnes & 
providens of God not one of y* English was so much 
as sicke, or in y° least measure tainted with this dis- 
ease, though they dayly did these offices for them for 
many weeks togeather. And this mercie which they 
shewed them was kindly taken, and thankfully ac- 
knowledged of all y® Indeans that knew or heard of 
y* same ; and their m" here did much comend & re- 
ward them for y* same. 

Anno Dom: 1635. 
M". WiNSLOW was very wellcome to them in Eng- 
land, and y® more in regard of y® large retume he 
brought with him, which came all safe to their hands, 

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390 HISTORY OF [book U. 

and was well sould. And he was borne in hand, ^at 
least he so apprehended,) that all accounts should be 
cleared before his retume, and all former differences 
ther aboute well setled. And so he writ over to 
them hear, that he hoped to cleare y* accounts, and 
bring them over with him ; and y' the accounte of 
y* White Angele would be taken of, and all things 
fairly ended. But it came to pass [205] that, being 
occasioned to answer some complaints made against 
the countrie at Counsell bord, more cheefly concerning 
their neigbours in y* Bay then them selves hear, the 
which he did to good effecte, and further prosecuting 
such things as might tend to y* good of y* whole, as 
well them selves as others, aboute y* wrongs and in- 
croachments that the French & other strangers both 
had and were like further to doe unto them, if not 
prevented, he prefered this petition following to their 
Hon" that were deputed Comissioners for y* Planta- 

To y* right honorable y* Lords Comissioners for y* Plan- 
tations in America. 

The humble petition of Edw: Winslow, on y* behalfe of 
y* plantations in New-England, 

Humbly sheweth unto your Lordships, y* wheras your peti- 

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carried away the goods, slew 2. of y* men in another place, 
and tooke y* rest prisoners with their goods. And y* Dutch, 
on y* west, have also made entrie upon Conigtecute River, 
within y* limits of his Maj** trs patent, where they have 
raised a forte, and threaten to expell your petitioners thence, 
who are also planted upon y* same river, maintaining posses- 
sion for his Ma"' to their great charge, & hazard both of lives 
& goods. 

In tender consideration hereof your petitioners humbly pray 
that your Lo^^' will either procure their peace w"^ those foraine 
states, or else to give spetiall warrante unto your petitioners 
and y*^ English Collonies, to right and defend them selves 
against all foraigne enimies. And your petitioners shall 
pray, «fec. 

This petition found good acceptation with most of 
them, and M^ Winslow was heard sundry times by 
them, and appointed further to attend for an answer 
from their Lopp% espetially, having upon conferance 
with them laid downe a way how this might be doone 
without any either charge or trouble to y* state; only 
by furnishing some of y® cheefe of y® cuntry hear 
with authoritie, who would undertake it at their owne 
charge, and in such a way as should be without any 
publick disturbance. But this crossed both S' Ferdi- 
nand6s Gorges' & Cap : Masons designe, and y*^ arch- 
bishop of Counterberies by them ; for S"^ Ferd : Gorges 
(by y* arch-pps favore) was to have been sent over 
generall Gov*^ into y*' countrie, and to have had means 
from y*' state for y' end, and was now upon dispatch 
and conclude of y® bussines. And y® arch-bishops 

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892 HISTORY OF [book H. 

purposs & intente was, by his means » & some be 
sbould send with him, (to be famished with Episco- 
pall power,) [206] to disturbe y* peace of y* churches 
here, and to overthrow their proceedings and further 
growth, which was y* thing he aimed at. But it so 
fell out (by Gods providence) that though he in y« 
end crost this petition from taking any further effecte 
in this kind, yet by this as a cheefe means the plotte 
and whole bussines of his & S*" Ferdinandos fell to y* 
ground, and came to nothing. When M''. Winslow 
should have had his suit granted, (as indeed upon y* 
pointe it was,) and should have been confirmed, the 
arch-bishop put a stop upon it, and M'. Winslow, 
thinking to gett it freed, went to y* bord againe; but 
y*" bishop, S*" Ferd: and Captine Masson, had, as it 
seemes, procured Morton (of whom mention is made 
before, & his base carriage) to complaine; to whose 
complaints M'. Winslow made answer to y* good sat- 
isfaction of y* borde, who checked Morton and re- 
buked him sharply, & allso blamed S*^ Fer** Gorges, 
& Masson, for countenancing him. But y* bish : had 
a further end & use of his presence, for he now be- 
gane to question M'. Winslow of many things; as 
of teaching in y* church publickly, of which Morton 
accused him, and gave evidence that he had seen and 

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they wanted better means, . w** was not often. Then 
aboute manage, the which he also confessed, that, 
haveing been called to place of magistracie, he had 
sometimes marled some. And further tould their 
lordP* y' mariage was a clvUle thlnge, & he found no 
wher In y* word of God y' It was tyed to mlnistrie. 
Again, they were necessitated so to doe, having for 
a long time togeather at first no minister; besids, it 
was no new-thing, for he had been so marled him 
selfe in Holand, by y* magistrats in their Statt-house. 
But in y* end (to be short), for these things, y* 
bishop, by yemente importunity, gott y* bord at last 
to consente to his comittemente ; so he was comited 
to y® Fleete, and lay ther 17. weeks, or ther aboute, 
before he could gett to be released. And this was y* 
end of this petition, and this bussines ; only y® others 
designe was also frustrated hereby, with other things 
concurring, which was no smalle blessing to y® people 

But y* charge fell heavle on them hear, not only in 
M^ Winslows expences, (which could not be smale,) 
but by y* hinderance of their bussines both ther and 
hear, by his personall imploymente. For though this 
was as much or more for others then for them hear, 
and by them cheefly he was put on this bussines, 
(for y" plantation k6we nothing of it till they heard 
of his imprisonmente,) yet y* whole charge lay on 

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594 HISTORY OF [book U. 

Now for their owne buslines ; whatsoever M^ Sher- 
leys mind was before, (or M^ Winslow apprehension 

of y* same,) he now declared him selfe plainly, that 


he would neither take of y* White-Angell from y* 
accounte, nor [207] give any further accounte, till he 
had received more into his hands; only a prety good 
supply of goods were sent over, but of y" most, no 
note of their prises, or so orderly an invoyce as for- 
merly ; which M'. Winslow said he could not help, 
because of his restrainte. Only now M'. Sherley & 
M*". Beachamp & M^ Andrews sent over a letter of 
attumey under their hands & seals, to recovere what 
they could of M'. Allerton for y* Angells accounte; 
but sent them neither y* bonds, nor covenants, or such 
other evidence or accounts, as they had aboute these 
matters. I shall here inserte a few passages out of 
M\ Sherleys letters aboute these things. 

Your leter of y* 22. of July, 1634, by your trustie and our 
loving friend M^ Winslow, 1 have received, and your larg 
parcell of beaver and otter skines. Blessed be our God, 
both he and it came safly to us, and we have sould it in 
tow parcells; y* skin at 14*. H. & some at 16. ; y* coate at 
20'. y* pound. The accounts I have not sent you them this 
year, I will referr you to M'. Winslow to tell you y* reason 
of it; yet be assured y* none of you shall suflfer by y* not 
having of them, if God spare me life. And wheitis you say 
y* 6. years are expired y' y* peopl put y* trad into your & 

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Digitized by 


896 HISTORY OF [book II. 

y* sale of y* goods their unto him, of which he sett 
y« price him selfe [208] in effecte, and made an in- 
ventory therof, (yett leaving out sundry things,) but 
made no paymente for them ; but tould them in con- 
venient time he would doe it if they came for it. For 
y* house & fortification, &c. he would not alow, nor 
accounte any thing, saing that they which build on 
another mans ground doe forfite y* same. So thus 
turning them out of all, (with a great deale of com- 
plemente, and many fine words,) he let them have 
their shalop and some victualls to bring them home. 
Coming home and relating all the passages, they here 
were much troubled at it, & haveing had this house 
robbed by y* French once before, and lost then above 
500**. (as is before remembrod), and now to loose 
house & all, did much move them. So as they re- 
solved to consulte with their freinds in y* Bay, and 
if y"^ approved of it, (ther being now many shipa 
ther,) they intended to hire a ship of force, and seeke 
to beat out y* Frenche, and recover rt againe. Ther 
course was well approved on, if them selves could bear 
y* charge; so they hired a fair ship of above 300. 
tune, well fitted with ordnance, and agreed with y* 
m'. (one Girling) to this efiect : that he and his com- 
pany should deliver them y* house, (after they had 
driven out, or surprised y* French,) and give them 

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French fair quarter & usage, if they would yeeld. In 
consideration wherof he was to have 700*. of beaver, 
to be delivered him ther, when h^ had done y® thing; 
but if he did not accomplish it, he was to loose his 
labour, and have nothing. With him they also sent 
their owne bark, and about 20. men, with Captaine 
Standish, to aide him (if neede weer), and to order 
things, if the house was regained; and then to pay 
him y* beaver, which they keept abord their owne 
barke. So they with their bark piloted him thither, 
and brought him safe into y* harbor. But he was so 
rash & heady as he would take no advice, nor would 
suffer Captaine Standish to have time to summone 
them, (who had comission & order so to doe,) neither 
would doe it him selfe ; the which, it was like, if it had 
been done, & they come to affaire parley, seeing their 
force, they would have yeelded. Neither would he 
have patience to bring his ship wher she might doe 
execution, but begane to shoot at distance like a 
madd man, and did them no hurte at all; the which 
when those of y* plantation saw, they were much 
greeved, and went to him & tould him he would doe 
no good if he did not lay his ship beter to pass (for 
she might lye within pistoU shott of y* house). At 
last, when he saw his owne folly, he was perswaded, 
and layed her well, and bestowed a few shott to good 
purposs. But now, when he was in a way to doe 
some good, his powder was goone ; for though he had 

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398 HISTORY OP [book ii. 

. . * peece of ordnance, it did now [209] appeare he 
had but a barrell of powder, and a peece ; so he could 
doe no good, but was faine to draw of againe ; by 
which means y® enterprise was made frustrate, and y* 
French incouraged ; for all y* while that he shot so 
unadvisedly, they lay close under a worke of earth, & 
let him consume him selfe. He advised with y* Gap- 
taine how he might be supplyed with powder, for 
he had not to carie him home ; so he tould him he 
would goe to y* next plantation, and doe his indeour 
to procure him some, and so did; but understand- 
ing, by intelligence, that he intended to ceiase on y* 
barke, & surprise y** beaver, he sent him the powder, 
and brought y* barke & beaver home. But Girling 
never assualted y* place more, (seeing him selfe dis- 
apoyented,) but went his way ; and this was y* end 
of this bussines. 

Upon y* ill success of this bussines, the Gov"^ and 
Assistants here by their leters certified their freinds in 
y* Bay, how by this ship they had been abused and 
disapoynted, and y* the French partly had, and were 
now likly to fortifie them selves more strongly, and 
likly to become ill neigbours to y* English. Upon 
this they thus writ to them as folloeth : — 

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courte hath joyntly expressed their willingnes to assist you 
with men & munition, for y' accomplishing of your desires^ 
upon y* French. But because here are none of yours y' have 
authority to conclude of any thing herein, nothing can be 
done by us for y* presente. We desire, therfore, that you 
would with all conveniente speed send some man of trust, 
furnished with instructions from your selves, to make such 
agreemente with us about this bussines as may be usefuU 
for you, and equall for us. So in hast we comite you Uy 
God, and remaine 

Your assured loving freinds, 

John Hatnes, Gov'. 

Ri : Bellingham, Dep. 

Jo: Winthrop. 

Tho : Dudley. 


Atherton Hocghb. 
Increas Nowell. 
Ric : DuMER. 
Simon Bradstretb. 
New-towne, Octo' 9. 1635. 

Upon the receite of y® above mentioned, they pres- 
ently deputed 2. of theirs to treate with them, giving 
them full power to conclude, according to the instruc- 
tions they gave them, being to this purposs : that if 
they would afford such assistance as, togeather with 
their owne, was like to effecte the thing, and allso 
bear a considerable parte of y* charge, they would goe 
on; if not, [210] they (having lost so much allready). 

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400 HISTORY OP [book II. 

should not be able, but must desiste, and waite fur- 
ther opportunitie as God should give, to help them 
selves. But this came to nothing, for when it came 
to y* issue, they would be at no charge, but sente 
them this letter, and referd them more at large to 
their owne messengers. 

S': Having, upon y* consideration of your letter, with y* 
message you sente, had some serious consultations aboute 
y* great importance of your bussines with y* French, we 
gave our answer to those whom you deputed to conferr w^ 
us aboute y* viage to Penobscote. We shewed our willing- 
nes to help, but withall we declared our presente condition, 
& in what state we were, for our abilitie to help; which we 
for our parts shall be willing to improve, to procure you 
Bufficiente supply of men & munition. But for matter of 
moneys we have no authority at all to promise, and if we 
should, we should rather disapoynte you, then incourage you 
by y* help, which we are not able to performe. We likewise 
thought it fitt to take y* help of other Esterne plantations ; 
but those things we leave to your owne wisdomes. And for 
other things we refer you to your owne comitties, who are 
able to relate all y* passages more at large. We salute 
you, & wish you all good success in y* Lord. 
Your faithfull & loving friend, 

Ri : Bellinghah, Dep : 
In y* name of y* rest of the Comities. 

Boston, Octob' 16. 1635 . 

This thing did not only thus breake of, but some 
of their merchants shortly after sent to trad with 
them, and furnished them both with provissions, & 

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poweder & shott; and so have continued to doe till 
this day, as they have seen opportunitie for their 
profite. So as in truth y^ English them selves have 
been the cheefest supporters of these French ; for 
besids these, the plantation at Pemaquid (which lyes 
near unto them) doth not only supply them with 
what y*^ wante, but gives them continuali intelligence 
of all things that passes among y'^ English, (espetially 
some of them,) so as it is no marvell though they ' 
still grow, & incroach more & more upon y* English, 
and fill y® Indeans with gunes & munishtion, to y* 
great deanger of y* English, who lye open & unfor- 
tified, living upon husbandrie ; and y® other closed up 
in their forts, well fortified, and live upon trade, in 
good securitie. If these things be not looked too, and 
remeady provided in time, it may easily be conjectured 
what they may come toe ; but I leave them. 

This year, y^ 14. or 15. of August (being Saturday) 
was such a mighty storme of wind & raine, as none 
living in these parts, either English or Indeans, ever 
saw. Being like (for y® time it continued) to those 
Hauricanes and Tufibns that writers make mention of 
in y* Indeas. It began in y*" morning, a litle before 
day, and grue not by degrees, but came with violence 
in y* begining, to y* great amasmente of many. It 
blew downe sundry [211] houses, & uncovered others ; 
diverce vessells were lost at sea, and many more in ex- 
treme danger. It caused y® sea to swell (to y* south- 

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402 HISTORY OF [book II. 

ward of this place) above 20. foote, right up & downe, 
and made many of the Indeans to clime into trees for 
their saftie; it tooke of y* horded roofe of a house 
which belonged to the plantation at Manamet, and 
floted it to another place, the posts still standing in 
y® ground; and if it had continued long without y* 
shifting of y* wind, it is like it would have drouned 
some parte of y* cuntrie. It blew downe many hun- 
dered thowsands of trees, turning up the stronger by 
the roots, and breaking, the hiegher pine trees of in 
the midle, and y^ tall yonge oaks & walnut trees of 
good biggnes were wound like a withe, very Strang 
& fearfull to behould. It begane in y"" southeast, and 
parted toward y* south & east, and vered sundry ways ; 
but y* greatest force of it here was from y* former 
quarters. It continued not (in y* extremitie) above 
5. or 6. houers, but y* violence begane to abate. The 
signes and marks of it will remaine this 100. years in 
these parts wher it was sorest. The moone suffered 
a great eclips the 2. night after it. 

Some of their neighbours in y* Bay, hereing of y* 
fame of Conightecute River, had a hankering mind 
afi;er it, (as was before noted,) and now understanding 
that y* Indeans were swepte away with y* late great 
mortalitie, the fear of whom was an obstacle unto 

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plantation and them hear; for they set their minde 
on that place, which they had not only purchased of 
y* Indeans, but wher they had builte ; intending only 
(if they could not remove them) that they should have 
but a smale moyety left to y® house, as to a single 
family ; whose doings and proceedings were conceived 
to be very injurious, to attempte not only to intrude 
them selves into y** rights & possessions of others, but 
in effect to thrust them out of all. Many were y* 
leters & passages that went betweene them hear aboute, 
which would be to long here to relate. 

I shall here first inserte a few lines that was write 
by their own agente from thence. 

S': &c. Y* Masschuset men are coming almost dayly, some 
by water, & some by land, who are not yet determined wher 
to setle, though some have a great mind to y^ place we are 
upon, and which was last bought. Many of them look at 
that which this river will not afford, excepte it be at this 
place which we have, namly, to be a great towne, and have 
comodious dwellings for many togeather. So as what they 
will doe I cannot yet resolve you ; for this place ther is none 
of them say any thing to me, but what I hear from their 
servants (by whom I perceive their minds). I shall doe what 
I can to withstand them. I hope they will hear reason ; as 
that we were here first, and entred with much difficulty and 
danger, [212] both in regard of y*^ Dutch & Indeans, and 
bought y* land, (to your great charge, allready disbui-sed,) 
and have since held here a chargable possession, and kept 
y* Dutch from further incroaching, which would els long be- 
fore this day have possessed all, and kept out all others, &c. 

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404 HISTORY OP [book n. 

I hope these & such like ai^guments will stoppe them. It was 
your will we should use their persons & messengers kindly, 
& so we have done, and doe dayly, to your great charge; 
for y' first company had well nie starved had it not been for 
this house, for want of victuals; I being forced to supply 
12. men for 9. days togeather; and those which came last, 
I entertained the best we could, helping both them (& y* 
other) with canows, & guids. They gott me to goe with 
them to y* Dutch, to see if I could procure some of them 
to have quiet setling nere them; but they did peremtorily 
withstand them. But this later company did not once speak 
therof, &c. Also I gave their goods house roome accoixling 
to their emest request, and M'. Pinchons letter in their be- 
half e (which I thought good to send you, here inclosed). 
And what trouble & charge I shall be further at I know 
not; for they are coming dayly, and I expecte these back 
againe from below, whither they are gone to veiw y* couutrie. 
All which trouble & charg we under goe for their occasion, 
may give us just cause (in y* judgmente of all wise & un- 
derstanding men) to hold and keep that we are setled upon. 
Thus with my duty remembred, &c. I rest 
Yours to be comanded 

JohnnathI Brewster. 
Matianuck, July 6. 1635. 

Amongst y® many agitations that pased betweene 
them, I shal note a few out of their last letters, & for 
y* present omitte y* rest, except upon other occasion 
I may have fitter opportunity. After their thorrow 
veiw of y* place, they began to pitch them selves upon 

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Brethren, having latly sent 2. of our body unto you, to 
agitate & bring to an issue some maters in difference be- 
tweene us, about some lands at Conigbtecutt, unto which you 
lay challeng ; upon which God by his providence cast us, 
and as we conceive in a faire way of providence tendered 
it to us, as a meete place to receive our body, now upon 

We shall not need to answer all y* passages of your larg 
letter, &c. But wheras you say God in his providence cast 
you, Ac, we tould you before, and (upon this occasion) 
must now tell you still, that our mind is other wise, and 
y' you cast rather a partiall, if not a covetous eye, upon 
that w^ is your neigbours, and not yours ; and in so doing, 
your way could not be faire unto it. Looke y* you abuse 
not Gods providence in such allegations. 


Now allbeite we at first judged y* place so free y* we might 
with Gods good leave take & use it, without just offence to 
any man, it being the Lords [213] wast, and for y* presente 
altogeather voyd of inhabitants, that indeede minded y* im- 
ploymente therof, to y* right ends for which land was created, 
Gen: 1. 28. and for future intentions of any, & uncertaine 
possibilities of this or that to be done by any, we judging 
them (in such a case as ours espetialy) not meete to be 
equalled with presente actions (such as ours was) much less 
worthy to be prefered before them ; and therfore did we 
make some weake beginings in that good worke, in y* place 

Ans : Their answer was to this effecte. That if it 
was y^ Lords wast, it was them selves that found it so, 
& not they ; and have since bought it of y* right 

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406 HISTORY OF [book II. 

oweners, and maintained a chargable possession upon 
it al this while, as them selves could not but know. 
And because of present ingagments and other hinder- 
ances which lay at presente upon them, must it ther- 
fore be lawfuU' for them to goe and take it from 
them ? It was well known that they are upon a barren 
place, wher they were by necessitie cast; and neither 
they nor theirs could longe continue upon y* same; 
and why should they (because they were more ready, 
& more able at presente) goe and deprive them of 
that which they had w^ charg & hazard provided, & 
intended to remove to, as soone as they could & were 

They had another passage in their letter; they had 
rather have to doe with the lords in England, to 
whom (as they heard it reported) some of them should 
say that they had rather give up their right to them, 
(if they must part with it,) then to y* church of 
Dorchester, &c. And that they should be less fearfaU 
to offend y® lords, then they were them. 

Ans : Their answer was, that what soever they had 
heard, (more then was true,) yet y* case was not so 
with them that they had need to give away their rights 
& adventurs, either to y® lords, or them ; yet, if they 
might measure their fear of offence by their practise. 

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But least I should be teadious, I will forbear other 
things, and come to the conclusion that was made in 
y endd. To make any forcible resistance was farr 
from their thoughts, (they had enough of y* about 
Kenebeck,) and to live in continuail contention with 
their freinds & brethren would be uncomfortable, and 
too heavie a burden to bear. Therfore for peace sake 
(though they conceived they suffered much in this 
thing) they thought it better to let them have it upon 
as good termes as they could gett ; and so they fell to 
treaty. The first thing y' (because they had made so 
many & long disputs aboute it) they would have them 
to grante was, y' they, had right too it, or ells they 
would never treat aboute it. The * which being ac- 
knowledged, & yeelded unto by them, this was y* con- 
clusion they came unto in y* end after much adoe : 
that they should retaine their house, and have the 16. 
parte of all they had bought of y* Indeans ; and y* 
other should have all y* rest of y® land ; leaveing such 
a moyety to those [214] of New-towne, as they re- 
served for them. This 16. part was to be taken in too 
places ; one towards y^ house, the other towards New- 
townes proporrtion. Also they were to pay according 
to proportion, what had been disbursed to y® Indeans 
for y* purchass. Thus was y* controversie ended, but 
the unkindnes not so soone forgotten. They of New- 
towne delt more fairly, desireing only what they could 

• They in MS. 

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408 HI8TOBT OP [book H. 

conyenientlj spare, from a competaDcie reserved for 
a plantation, for them selves; which made them the 
more carfiill to procure a moyetj for them, in this 
agreement & distribution. 

Amongst y* other bussinesses that M'. Winslow had 
to doe in England, he had order from y* church to 
proyid & bring over some able & fitt man for to 
be their minister. And accordingly he had procured 
a godly and a worthy* man, one M^ Glover; but it 
pleased God when he was prepared for the viage, he 
fell sick of a feaver and dyed. Afterwards, when he 
was ready to come away, he became acquainted with 
M'. Norton, who was willing to come over, but would 
not ingage him selfe to this place, otherwise then he 
should see occasion when he came hear ; and if he liked 
better else wher, to repay y^ charge laid out for him, 
(which came to aboute 70^.) and to be at his liberty. 
He stayed aboute a year with them, after he came 
over, and was well liked of them, & much desired by 
them ; but he was invited to Ipswich, wher were many 
rich & able men, and sundry of his aquaintance; so he 
wente to them, & is their minister. Aboute half of 
y* charg was repayed, y* rest he had for y* pains he 
tooke amongst them. 

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Anno Dom: 1636. 

M". Ed: Winslow was chosen Gov' this year. 

In y® former year, because they perceived by M'. 
Winslows later letters that no accounts would be 
sente, they resolved to keep y* beaver, and send no 
more, till they had them, or came to some further 
agreemente. At least they would forbear till M^ 
Winslow came over, that by more full conferance with 
him they might better understand what was meete to 
be done. But when he came, though he brought no 
accounts, yet he perswaded them to send y* beaver, 
& was confident upon y* receite of y' beaver, & his 
letters, they should have accounts y® nexte year; and 
though they thought his grounds but weake, that gave 
him this hope, & made him so confidente, yet by his 
importunitie they.yeelded, & sente y* same, ther being 
a ship at y* latter end of year, by whom they sente 
IISO**. waight of beaver, and* 200. otter skins, besids 
sundrie small furrs, as 55. minks, 2. black foxe skins, 
Ac. And this year, in y® spring, came in a Dutch 
man, who thought to have traded at y^ Dutch-forte; 
[215] but they would not suffer him. He, having 
good store of trading goods, came to this place, & 
tendred them to sell; of whom they bought a good 
quantitie, they being very good & fitte for their turne, 
as Dutch roll, ketles, &c., which goods amounted to y* 
valew of 500**., for y* paymente of which they passed 

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410 HISTORY OF [book II. 

bills to M^ Sherley in England, having before sente 
y* forementioned parcell of beaver. And now this 
year (by another ship) sente an other good round 
parcell that might come to his hands, & be sould be- 
fore any of these bills should be due. The quantity 
of beaver now sent was 1809**. waight, and of otters 
10. skins, and shortly after (y* same year) was sent by 
another ship (M'. Langrume maister), in beaver 0719". 
waight, and of otter skins 199. concerning which M**. 
Sherley thus writs. 

Your leters I have received, with 8. hoggsheads of beaver 
by Ed: Wilkinson, m^ of y* Falcon. Blessed be God for y* 
safe coming of it. I have also seea & acceped 3. bills of 
excbainge, <&c. But I must now acquainte you bow the Lords 
heavie hand is upon this kingdom in many places, but cheefly 
in this cittie, with his judgmeute of y"" plague. The last 
weeks bill was 1200. & odd, I fear this will be more ; and 
it is much feared it will be a winter sicknes. By reason 
wherof it is incredible y* number of people y* are gone into 
y* cuntry & left y® citie. 1 am pers waded many more then 
went out y^ last sicknes; so as here is no trading, carriers 
from most places put downe ; nor no receiving of any money, 
though long due. M^ Hall ows us more then would pay 
these bills, but he, his wife, and all, are in y* cuntrie, 60. 
miles from London. 1 write to him, he came up, but could 
not pay us. I am perswaded if I should oflfer to sell y* 

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received; and that it would be a great discredite to you, 

which never yet had any turned back, and a shame to us, 

haveing 1800**. of beaver lying by us, and more oweing 

then y* bills come too, &c. But all was nothing; neither 

of them both will put too their finger to help. I offered to 

supply my 3. parte, but they gave me their answer they 

neither would nor could, <fec. How ever, your bils shall 

be satisfied to y' parties good contente; but I would not 

have thought they would have left either you or me at this 

time, «fec. You will and may expect I should write more, 

& answer your leters, but I am not a day in y* weeke at 

home at towne, but carry my books & all to Clapham ; for 

here is y^ miserablest time y' I thinke hath been known in 

many ages. I have know 3. great sickneses, but none like 

this. And that which should be a means to pacific y^ Lord, 

& help us, that is taken away, preaching put downe in many 

places, not a sermone in Westminster on y* saboth, nor in 

many townes aboute us; y* Lord in mercie looke uppon 

us. In y* begining of y* year was a great [216] drought, 

& no raine for many weeks togeather, so as all was burnte 

up, haye, at 5**. a load; and now all raine, so as much 

sommer come & later haye is spoyled. Thus y* Lord 

sends judgmente after judgmente, and yet we cannot see, 

nor humble our selves; and therfore may justly fear heavier 

judgments, unless we speedyly repente, & returne unto him, 

which y* Lord give us grace to doe, if it be his blessed 

will. Thus desiring you to remember us in your prayers, 

I ever rest Your loving friend, 

James Sherlet. 
Sep*: 14. 1636. 

This was all y* answer th^y had from M^ Sherley, 
by which M^ Winslow saw his hops failed him. So 
they now resoloved to send no more beaver in y* way 

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412 HISTORY OF [book U* 

which they had done, till they came to some issae or 
other aboute these things. But now came over let- 
ters from M^ Andrews & M"". Beachamp full of com- 
plaints, that they marveled y* nothing was sent over, 
by which any of their moneys should be payed in;, 
for it did appear by y^ accounte sente in An^ 1631. 
that they were each of them out, aboute a leven 
hundered pounds a peece, and all this while had not 
received one penie towards y* same. But now M^ 
Sherley sought to draw more money from them, and 
was offended because they deneyed him; and blamed 
them hear very much that all was sent to M"^. Sher- 
ley, & nothing to them. They marvelled much at this, 
for they conceived that much of their moneis had been 
paid in, & y' yearly each of them had received a pro- 
portionable quantity out of y* larg returnes sent home. 
For they had sente home since y* accounte was re- 
ceived in An® 1631. (in which all & more then all 
their debts, w'** y* years supply, was (charged upon 
them) these sumes following. 

Nov»»' 18. Ano 1631. By M'. Peirce 0400«. waight of bearer, & otters 20. 

July 13. Ano 1632. By M'. Oriffln 1348*i. beayer, & otters 

An« 1633. By M^ Graves 3366»*. bever, & otters 
Ano 1634. By M' Andrews 3738«. beaver, & otters 
An° 1635. By M'. Babb 1160**. beaver, & otters 

June 24. An" 1636. By M'. Willkinson 1809^ beaver, & otters 
Ibidem. By M^ Langnime 0719^. beaver, & otters 


12160".* 1156. 

* Not correctly cast; it should be 12530*^ 

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All these sumes were safly rceived & well sould, 
as appears by leters. The coat beaver usualy at 20*. 
p"" pound, and some at 24*. ; the skin at 15. & some- 
times 16. I doe not remember any under 14. It 
may be y^ last year might be something lower, so 
also ther were some small furrs that are not recooned 
in this accounte, & some black beaver at higer rates, 
to make up y^ defects. [217] It was conceived that 
y* former parcells of beaver came to litle less then 
10000". sterling, and y* otter skins would pay all y* 
charge, & they w"* other furrs make up besids if any 
thing wanted of y* former sume. When y* former 
accounte was passed, all their debts (those of White- 
Angelle & Frendship included) came but to 4770". 
And they could not estimate that all y* supplies since 
sent them, & bills payed for them, could come to 
above 2000". so as they conceived their debts had 
been payed, with advantage or intrest. But it may 
be objected, how comes it that they could not as well 
exactly sett downe their receits, as their retumes, but 
thus estimate it. I answer, 2. things were y^ cause 
of it; the first & principall was, that y* new ac- 
countante, which they in England would needs presse 
upon them, did wholy faile them, & could never give 
them any accounte ; but trusting to his memorie, & 
lose papers, let things rune into such confusion, that 
neither he, nor any with him, could bring things to 
rights. But being often called upon to perfecte his 

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414 HISTORY OF [book II. 

accounts, he desired to have such a time, and such 
a time of leasure, and he would doe it. In y® intrime 
he fell into a great sicknes, and in conclusion it fell 
out he could make no accounte at all. His books 
were after a litle good begining left altogeather un- 
perfect ; and his papers, some were lost, & others so 
confused, as he knew not what to make of them him 
selfe, when they came to be searched & examined. 
This was not unknowne to M^ Sherley ; and they 
came to smarte for it to purposs, (though it was not 
their faulte,) both thus in England, and also here; 
for they conceived they lost some hundreds of pounds 
for goods trusted out in y* place, which were lost for 
want of clear accounts to call them in. Another rea- 
son of this mischeefe was, that after M^ Winslow 
was sente into England to demand accounts, and to 
excepte against y® Whit-Angell, they never had any 
price sent with their goods, nor any certaine invoyce 
of them ; but all things stood in confusion, and they 
were faine to guesse at y* prises of them. 

They write back to M^ Andrews & M^ Beachamp, 
and tould them they marveled they should write they 
had sent nothing home since y* last accounts; for 
they had sente a great deale; and it might rather be 
marveled how thev could be able to send so much. 

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ginia. What they had sente was to them all, and to 
them selves as well as M'. Sherley, and if they did 
not looke after it, it was their owne falts ; they must 
referr them to M^ Sherley, who had received [218] 
it, to demand it of him. They allso write to M^ 
Sherley to y* same purposs, and what the others com- 
plaints were. 

This year 2. shallops going to Coonigtecutt with 
goods from y* Massachusetts of such as removed 
theither to plante, were in an easterly storme cast 
away in coming into this harbore in y* night; the 
boats men were lost, and y® goods were driven all 
alonge y* shore, and strowed up & downe at high- 
water marke. But y* Gov"" caused them to be gath- 
ered up, and drawn togeather, and appointed some 
to take an inventory of them, and others to wash 
& drie such things as had neede therof; by which 
means most of y* goods were saved, and restored to 
y* owners. Afterwards anotheir boate of theirs (go- 
ing thither likwise) was cast away near unto Manoan- 
scusett, and such goods as came a shore were preserved 
for them. Such crosses they mette with in their be- 
ginings ; which some imputed as a correction from 
God for their intrution (to y® wrong of others) into 
y* place. But I dare not be bould with Gods judg- 
ments in this kind. 

In y® year 1634, the Pequents (a stoute and war- 
like people), who had made warrs with sundry of 

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416 H18TORV OF [book U. 

their Deigbours, and puft up with many victories, 
grue now at varience with y* Narigansets, a great 
people bordering upon them. These Narigansets held 
correspondance and termes of freindship with y* Eng- 
lish of y® Massachusetts. Now y* Pequents, being con- 
scious of y* guilte of Captain-Stones death, whom they 
knew to be an-English man, as also those y' were 
with him, and being fallen out with y^ Dutch, least 
they should have over many enemies at once, sought 
to make freindship with y* English of y* Massachu- 
setts; and for y^ end sent both messengers & gifts 
unto them, as appears by some letters sent from y* 
Gov' hither. 

Dear & worthy S': &c. To let you know somwhat of 
our affairs, you may understand that y* Pequents have sent 
some of theirs to us, to desire our freindship, and offered 
much wampam & beaver, &c. The first messengers were 
dismissed without answer ; with y' next we had diverce dayes 
conferance, and taking y* advice of some of our ministers, 
and seeking the Lord in it, we concluded a peace & freind- 
ship with them, upon these conditions: that they should de- 
liver up to us those men who were guilty of Stones death, 
&c. And if we desired to plant in Conightecute, they should 
give up their right to us, and so we would send to trade 
with them as our freinds (which was y* cheefe thing we 
aimed at, being now in warr with y* Dutch and y' rest of 
their neigbours). To this they readily agreed; and that 
we should meadiate a peace betweeue them and the Narigan- 

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(for they stood [219] * so much on their honour, as they 
would not be seen to give any thing of them selves). As 
for Captain Stone, they tould us ther were but 2. left of 
those who had any hand in his death ; and that they killed 
him in a just quarell, for (say they) he surprised 2. of out 
men, and bound them, to make them by force to shew him 
y^ way up y* river ;t and he with 2. other coming on shore, 
9. Indeans watched him, and when they were a sleepe in y* 
night, they kiled them, to deliver their owne men ; and some 
of them going afterwards to y* pinass, it was suddainly blowne 
up. We are now preparing to send a pinass unto them, &o. 

In an other of his, dated y* 12. of y* first month, 
he hath this. 

Our pinass is latly returned from y* Pequents; they put 
of but litle comoditie, and found them a very false people, 
so as they mean to have no more to doe with them. I have 
diverce other things to write unto you, &c. 

Yours ever assured, 


Boston, 12. of y* 1. month, 1634. 

After these things, and, as I take, this year, John 
Oldom, (of whom much is spoken before,) being now 
an inhabitant of y^ Massachusetts, went w^ a small 
vessell, & slenderly mand, a trading into these south 
parts, and upon a quarell betweene him & y* Indeans 
was cutt of by them (as hath been before noted) at 
an iland called by y® Indeans Munisses, but since by 

• 119 in MS. 

t Ther is litle tmst to be given to their relations in these things. 

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418 HISTORY OP [book II. 

y* English Block Hand. This, with y* former about 
the death of Stone, and the baffoyling of y* Pequents 
with y* English of y^ Massachusetts, moved them to 
set out some to take revenge, and require satisfaction 
for these wrongs; but it was done so superfitially, and 
without their acquainting of those of Conightecute & 
other neighbours with y* same, as they did litle good. 
But their neigbours had more hurt done, for some 
of y* murderers of Oldome fled to y"* Pequents, and 
though the English went to y® Pequents, and had 
some parley with them, yet they did but delude 
them, & y* English returned without doing any thing 
to purpose, being frustrate of their oppertunitie by y* 
others deceite. After y* English were returned, tho 
Pequents tooke their time and oppertunitie to cut of 
some of y* English as they passed in boats, and went 
on fouling, and assaulted them the next spring at 
their habytations, as will appear in its place. I doe 
but touch these things, because I make no question 
they will be more fully & distinctly handled by them 
selves, who had more exacte knowledg of them, and 
whom they did more properly conceme. 

This year M"". Smith layed downe his place of min- 
istrie, partly by his owne willingnes, as thinking it 
too heavie a burthen, and partly at the desire, and 
by y* perswasion, of others; and the church sought 
out for [220] * some other, having often been disap- 

♦ 120 in MS. 

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pointed in their hops and desires heretofore. And it 
pleased the Lord to send them an able and a godly 
man,* and of a meeke and humble spirite, sound in 
y* truth, and every way unreproveable in his life & 
conversation ; whom, after some time of triall, they 
chose for their teacher, the fruits of whose labours 
they injoyed many years with much comforte, in 
peace, & good agreemente. 

Anno Dom: 1637. 
In y® fore parte of this year, the Pequents fell 
openly upon y® English at Conightecute, in y® lower 
parts of y® river, and slew sundry of them, (as they 
were at work in y* feilds,) both men & women, to 
y* great terrour of y* rest; and wente away in great 
prid & triumph, with many high threats. They allso 
assalted a fort at y* rivers mouth, though strong and 
well defended; and though they did not their pre- 
vaile, yet it struk them with much fear & astonish- 
mentc to see their bould attempts in the face of 
danger; which made them in all places to stand 
upon their gard, and to prepare for resistance, and 
emestly to solissite their freinds and confederats in y® 
Bay of Massachusets to send them speedy aide, for 
they looked for more forcible assaults. M^ Vane, 
being then Gov% write from their Generall Courte 
to them hear, to joyne with them in this warr; to 

* Mr. John Reinor. 

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420 HISTORY OF [book H. 

which they were cordially willing, but tooke oppor- 
tunitie to write to them aboute some former things, 
as well as presente, considerable hereaboute. The 
which will best appear in y® Gov*^ answer which he 
returned to y® same, which I shall here inserte. 

S': The Lord having so disposed, as that your letters to 
our late Gov' is fallen to my lott to make answer unto, 
I could have wished I might have been at more freedome 
of time & thoughts also, that I might have done it more to 
your & my owne satisfaction. But what shall be wanting 
now may be supplyed hereafter. For y* matters which from 
your selfe & counsell were propounded & objected to us, we 
thought not fitte to make them so publicke as y' cognizance 
of our General! Courte. But as they have been considered 
by those of our counsell, this answer we thinke fitt to re- 
turne unto you. (1.) Wereas you signifie your willingnes 
to joyne with us in this warr against y" Pequents, though 
you can Dot ingage your selves without y* consente of your 
Generall Courte, we acknowledg youi* good affection towards 
us, (which we never had cause to doubt of,) and are will- 
ing to attend your full resolution, when it may most season- 
ably be ripened. (2^^.) Wheras you make this warr to be 
our peopls, and not [221] to conceirne your selves, otherwise 
then by consequence, we do in paiie consente to you therin; 
yet we suppose, that, in case of perill, you will not stand 
upon such terms, as we hope we should not doe towards 
you ; and withall we conceive that you looke at y* Pequents, 
and all other Indeans, as a comone enimie, who, though he 

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respecte to your owne saftie, as ours (3'^.) Wheras you 
desire we should be ingaged to aide you, upon all like occa- 
sions ; we are perswaded you doe not doubte of it ; yet as 
we now deale with you as a free people, and at libertie, so 
as we cannot draw you into this warr with us, otherwise 
then as reason may guid & provock you ; so we desire 
we may be at y* like freedome, when any occasion may 
call for help from us. And wheras it is objected to 
us, that we refused to aide you against y* French; we con- 
ceive y* case was not alicke; yet we cannot wholy excuse 
our failing in that matter. (4^^.) Weras you objecte that 
we began y* warr without your privitie, & managed it con- 
trary to your advise ; the truth is, that our first intentions 
being only against Block Hand, and y* interprice seeming 
of small ditlicultie, we did not so much as consider of taking 
advice, or looking out for aide abroad. And when we had 
resolved upon y* Pequents, we sent presently, or not long 
after, to you aboute it; but y* answer received, it was not 
seasonable for us to chaing our counsells, excepte we had 
seen and waighed your grounds, which might have out wayed 
our owne. 

(5"^.) For our peoples trading at Kenebeck, we assure 
you (to our knowledge) it hath not been by any allowance 
from us; and what we have provided in this and like cases, 
at our last Courte, M'. E. W. can certifie you. 

And (6*^) ; wheras you objecte to us y* we should hold 
trade & correspondancie with y* French, your enemise ; we 
answer, you are misinformed, for, besids some letters which 
hath passed betweene our late Gov' and them, to which we 
were privie, we have neither sente nor incou raged ours to 
trade with them ; only one vessell or tow, for y*" better con- 
veace of our letters, had licens from our Gov"^ to sayle 
thither • 

♦ But by this means they did furnish them» & have still continued to doe. 

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422 HISTORY OP [book n. 

Diverce other things have been privatly objected to us, by 
our worthy freind, wheninto he received some answer; but 
most of them concerning y* apprehention of perticuler dis- 
curteseis, or injueries from some perticuler persons amongst 
us. It concemes us not to give any other answer to them 
then this; that, if y« offenders shall be brought forth in a 
right way, we shall be ready to doe justice as y* case shall 
require. In the meane time, we desire you to rest assured, 
that such things are without our privity, and not a litle 
greeveous to us. 

Now for y* joyning with us in this warr, which indeed 
concerns us no other wise then it may your selves, viz. : 
the releeving of our freinds & Christian [222] breethren, 
who are now first in y* danger; though you may thinke us 
able to make it good without you, (as, if y' Lord please 
to be with us, we may,) yet 3. things we offer to your 
consideration, which (we conceive) may have some waight 
with you. (First) y* if we should sinck under this burden, 
your oppoitunitie of seasonable help would be lost in 3. 
respects. 1. You cannot recover us, or secure your selves 
ther, with 3. times y^ charge & hazard which now y* may. 
2'y. The sorrowes which we should lye under (if through 
your neglect) would much abate of y** acceptablenes of your 
help afterwards. 3'^. Those of yours, who are now full of 
courage and forwardnes, would be much damped, and so 
less able to undergoe so great a burden. The (2.) thing is 
this, that it concernes us much to hasten this warr to an 
end before y* end of this somer, otherwise y* newes of it 
will discourage both your & our freinds from coming to us 
next year; with what further hazard & losse it may expose 
us unto, your selves may iudge. 

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Digitized by 


424 HISTOBY OP [book II. 

somuch that y^ Narigansets were once wavering, and 
were balfe minded to have made peace with them, and 
joyed against y® English. But againe when they con- 
sidered, how much wrong they had received from the 
Pequents, and what an oppertunitie they now had by 
y* help of y* English to right them selves, revenge 
was so sweete unto them, as it prevailed above all y^ 
rest; so as they resolved to joyne with y* English 
against them, & did. [223J The Court here agreed 
forwith to send 50. men at their owne charg; and 
w'** as much speed as posiblie they could, gott them 
armed, and had made them ready under' sufficiente 
leaders, and provided a barke to carrie them provisions 
& tend upon them for all occasions ; but when they 
were ready to march (with a supply from y® Bay) 
they had word to stay, for y® enimy was as good as 
vanquished, and their would be no neede. 

I shall not take upon me exactly to describe their 
proceedings in these things, because I expecte it will 
be folly done by them selves, who best know the car- 
rage & circumstances of things; I shall therfore but 
touch them in generall. From Connightecute (who 
were most sencible of y® hurt sustained, & y* pres- 
ent danger), they sett out a partie of men, and an 

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It should seeme their desire was to come upon y* 
enemie sudenly, & undiscovered. Ther was a barke 
of this place, newly put in ther, which was come from 
Conightecutte, who did incourage them to lay hold of 
y® Indeans forwardnes, and to shew as great forward- 
nes as they, for it would incorage them, and expedi- 
tion might prove to their great advantage. So they 
went on, and so ordered their march, as the Indeans 
brought them to a forte of y* enimies (in which most 
of their cheefe men were) before day. They ap- 
proached y* same with great silence, and surrounded 
it both- with English & Indeans, that they might not 
breake out ; and so assualted them with great courage, 
shooting amongst them, and entered y® forte with all 
speed; and those y' first entered found sharp resist- 
ance from the enimie, who both shott at & grapled 
with them ; others rane into their bowses, & brought 
out fire, and sett them on fire, which soone tooke in 
their matts, &, standing close togeather, with y* wind, 
all was quickly on a flame, and therby more were 
burnte to death then was otherwise slain ; it bumte 
their bowstrings, and made them unservisable. Those 
y* scaped y* fire were slaine with y® sword; some 
hewed to peeces, others rune throw with their rapiers, 
so as they were quickly dispatchte, and very few es- 
caped. It was conceived they thus destroyed about 
400. at this time. It was a fearfull sight to see 
them thus frying in y* fyer, and y® streams of blood 

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quenching y* same, and horrible was y* stinck & 
sente ther of; but y* victory seemed a sweete sacri- 
fice, and they gave the prays therof to God, who had 
wrought so wonderfuly for them, thus to inclose their 
enimise in their hands, and give them so speedy a 
victory over so proud & insulting an enimie. The 
Narigansett Indeans, all this while, stood round aboute, 
but aloofe from all danger, and left y* whole [224] 
execution to y* English, exept it were y* stoping of 
any y* broke away, insulting over their enimies in this 
their mine & miserie, when they saw them dancing in 
y* flames, calling them by a word in their owne lan- 
guage, signifing, O brave Pequents ! which they used 
familierly among them selves in their own prayes, in 
songs of triumph after their victories. After this ser- 
vis was thus happily accomplished, they marcht to the 
water side, wher they mett with some of their vesells, 
by which they had refreishing with victualls & other 
necessaries. But in their march y* rest of y* Pe- 
quents drew into a body, and acoasted them, thinking 
to have some advantage against them by * reason of 
a neck of land; but when they saw the English pre- 
pare for them, they kept a loofe, so as they neither 
did hurt, nor could receive an v. After their refreish- 

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most of them forsooke them, and such of them as they 
had with them for guids, or otherwise, they found 
them very could and backward in y® bussines, ether 
out of envie, or y' they saw y® English would make 
more profite of y* victorie then they were willing 
they should, or els deprive them of such advantage as 
them selves desired by having them become tributaries 
unto them, or y* like. 

For y® rest of this bussines, I shall only relate y* 
same as it is in a leter which came from M^ Win- 
throp to y® Gov'' hear, as folio weth. 

Worthy S': I received your loving letter, and am much 
provocked to express my affections towards you, but strait- 
nes of time forbids me ; for my desire is to acquainte you 
with y* Lords greate mercies towards us, in our prevailing 
against his & our enimies; that you may rejoyce and praise 
his name with us. About 80. of our men, haveing costed 
along towards y* Dutch plantation, (some times by water, 
but most by land,) mett hear & ther with some Pequents, 
whom they slew or tooke prisoners. 2. sachems they tooke, 
& beheaded ; and not hearing of Sassacous, (the cheefe 
sachem,) they gave a prisoner his life, to goe and find 
him out. He wente and brought them word where he was, 
but Sassacouse, suspecting him to be a spie, after he was 
gone, fled away with some 20. more to y* Mowakes, so our 
men missed of him. Yet, deviding them selves, and rang- 
ing up & dowue, as y* providence of God guided them (for 
y* Indeans were all gone, save 3. or 4. and they knew not 
whither to guid them, or els would not), upon y* 13. of this 
month, they light upon a great company of them, viz. 80. 
strong men, & 200. women & children, in a small Indean 

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428 HISTORY OF [book II. 

towne, fast by a Lideoas swamp, which they all slipped into 
before our men could gett to them. Our captains were not 
then come togeither, but ther was M'. Ludlow and Captaine 
Masson, with some 10. [225]- of their men, & Captaine 
Patnck with some 20. or more of his, who, shooting at y* 
Indeans, Captaine Trask with 50. more came soone in at 
y* noyse. Then they gave onier to surround y* swampe, it 
being aboute a mile aboute ; but Levetenante Davenporte & 
some 12. more, not hearing that comand, fell into y^ swampe 
among y' Indeans. The swampe was so thicke with shrub- 
woode, & so boggle with all, that some of them stuck 
fast, and received many shott. Levetenant Davenport was 
dangerously wounded aboi^te his armehole, and another shott 
in y® head, so as, fainting, they were in great danger to 
have been taken by y^ Indeans. But Sargante Rigges, & 
Jeffery, and 2. or 3. more, rescued them, and slew diverse 
of y* Indeans with their swords. After they were drawne 
out, the Indeans desired parley, & were offered (by Thomas 
Stanton, our interpretour) that, if they would come out, 
and yeeld them selves, they should have their lives, all 
that had not their hands in y* English blood. Wherupon 
y* sachem of y* place came forth, and an old man or 2. & 
their wives and children, and after that some other women 
& children, and so they spake 2. howers, till it was night. 
Then Thomas Stanton was sente into them againe, to call 
them forth; but they Said they would selle their lives their, 
and so shott at him so thicke as, if he had not cried out, 
and been presently rescued, they had slaine him. Then our 
men cutt of a place of y* swampe with their swords, and 
cooped the Indeans into so narrow a compass, as they could 
easier kill them throw y® thickets. So they continued all 
y* night, standing aboute 12. foote one from an other, aud 

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& 8tockm8, & other parts of their cloaths, yet so miracu- 
lously did the Lord presei've them as not one of them was 
wounded, save those 3. who rashly went into y^ swarape. 
When it was nere day, it grue very darke, so as those of 
them which were left dropt away betweene our men, though 
they stood but 12. or 14. foote assunder; but were presenly 
discovered, & some killed in y* pursute. Upon searching of 
y* swampe, y* next morning, they found 9. slaine, & some 
they pulled up, whom y* Indeans had buried in y* mire, so 
as they doe thinke that, of all this company, not 20. did 
escape, for they after found some who dyed in their flight 
of their wounds received. The prisoners were devided, some 
to those of y* river, and the rest to us. Of these we send 
y* male children to Bermuda,* by M'. William Peirce, & y 
women & maid children are disposed aboute in y* townes. 
Ther have been now slaine & taken, in all, aboute 700. 
The rest are dispersed, and the Indeans in all quarters so 
terrified as all their friends are affraid to receive them. 2. 
of y* sachems of Long Hand came to M'. Stoughton and 
tendered them selves to be tributaries under our protection. 
And 2. of y® Neepnett sachems have been with me to seeke 
our fi-endship. Amonge the prisoners we have y* wife & 
children of Mononotto, a womon of a very modest counte- 
nance and behaviour. It was by her mediation that the f 
2. English [226] maids were spared from death, and were 
kindly used by her; so that I have taken charge of her. 
One of her first requests was, that the English would not 
abuse her body, and that her children might not be taken 
from her. Those which were wounded were fetched of soone 
by John Galopp, who came with his shalop in a happie 
houre, to bring them victuals, and to carrie their wounded 
men to y* pinass, whcr our cheefe surgeon was, w*** M^ 

• But y«y were carried to y« West-Indeas. 
t They in the manuscript. 

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430 HISTORY OP [book II. 

Willson, being aboute 8. leagues off. Our people are all in 
health, (y* Lord be praised,) and allthough they had marched 
in their armes all y* day, and had been in fight all y* night, 
yet they professed they found them selves so fresh as they 
could willingly have gone to such another bussines. 

This is y* substance of that which I received, though I am 
forced to omite many considerable circomstances. So, being 
in much straitnes of time, (the ships being to departe within 
this 4. days, and in them the Lord Lee and M'. Vane,) I 
hear breake of, and with harty saluts to, &c., I rest 

Yours assured, 


ThB 28. of y* 6. month, 1637. 

The captains reporte we have slaine 13. sachems ; but Sas- 
sacouse & Monotto are yet living. 

That I may make an end of this matter : this Sassa- 
couse (y* Pequents cheefe sachem) being fled to y* 
Mowhakes, they cutt of his head, with some other 
of y® cheefe of them, whether to satisfie y® English, or 
rather y* Narigansets, (who, as I have since heard, 
hired them to doe it,) or for their owne advantage, 
I well know not; but thus this warr tooke end. The 
rest of y* Pequents were wholy driven from their 
place, and some of them submitted them selves to y* 
Narigansets, & lived under them; others of them be- 
tooke them selves to y® Monhiggs, under Uncass, their 
sachem, w*** the approbation of y* English of CJonigh- 

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the Narrigansetts, that they had not y* whole sweay 
over them, as they have never ceased plotting and 
contriving how to bring them under, and because they 
cannot attaine their ends, because of y* English who 
have protected them, they have sought to raise a 
generall conspiracie against y* English, as will appear 
in an other place. 

They had now letters againe out of England from 
M"^. Andrews & M\ Beachamp, that M^ Sherley neither 
had nor would pay them any money, or give them any 
accounte, and so with much discontent desired them 
hear to send them some, much blaming them still, that 
they had sent all to M'. Sherley, & none to them 
selves. Now, though they might have justly referred 
them to their former answer, and insisted ther upon, 
& some wise men counselled them so to doe, yet he- 
cause they beleeved that [227] they were realy out 
round sumes of money, (espetialy M^ Andrews,) and 
they had some in their hands, they resolved to send 
them what bever they had.* M^ Sherley s letters were 
to this purpose : that, as they had left him in y® 
paiment of y* former bills, so he had tould them he 
would leave them in this, and beleeve it, they should 
find it true. And he was as good as his word, for 
they could never gett peney from him, nor bring him 
to any accounte, though M'. Beachamp sued him in y* 
Chancerie. But they all of them turned their com- 

• Bat staid it till y next year. 

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432 HISTORY OF [book H, 

plaints against them here, wher ther was least cause, 
and who had suffered most unjustly; first from M'. 
Allerton & them, in being charged with so much of 
y* which they never had, nor drunke for; and now 
in paying all, & more then all (as they conceived), and 
yet still thus more demanded, and that with many 
heavie charges. They now discharged M'. Sherley from 
his agencie, and forbad him to buy or send over any 
more goods for them, and prest him to come to some 
end about these things. 

Anno Dom: 1638. 

This year M^ Thomas Prence was chosen Gov'. 

Amongst other enormities that fell out amongst them, 
this year 3. men were (after due triall) executed for 
robery & murder which they had committed; their 
names were these, Arthur Peach, Thomas Jackson, and 
Richard Stinnings; ther was a 4., Daniel Crose, who 
was also guilty, but he escaped away, and could not 
be found. This Arthur Peach was y* cheefe of them, 
and y* ring leader of all y® rest. He was a lustie 
and a desperate yonge man, and had been one of y* 
souldiers in y* Pequente warr, and had done as good 
servise as y* most ther, and one of y* forwardest in 

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to goe with him. But another cause ther was albo 
of his secret going away in this maner; he was not 
only rune into debt«, but he had gott a maid with 
child, (which was not known till after his death,) a 
mans servante in y® towne, and fear of punishmente 
made him gett away. The other 3. complotting with 
him, rane away from their maisters in the night, and 
could not be heard of, for they went not y® ordinarie 
way, but shaped such a course as they thought to 
avoyd y* pursute of any [228]. But falling into y* way 
that lyeth betweene y® Bay of Massachusetts and the 
Narrigansets, and being disposed to rest them selves, 
struck fire, and took tobaco, a litle out of y* way, 
by y* way side. At length ther came a Narigansett 
Indean by, who had been in y* Bay a trading, and 
had both cloth & beads aboute him. (They had meett 
him y* day before, & he was now returning.) Peach 
called him to drinke tobaco with them, and he came 
& sate downe with them. Peach tould y*' other he 
would kill him, and take what he had from him. But 
they were some thing afraid; but he said, Hang him, 
rogue, he had killed many of them. So they let him 
alone to doe as he would; and when he saw his time, 
he tooke a rapier and rane him through the body once 
or twise, and tooke from him 5. fathume of wampam, 
and 3. coats of cloath, and wente their way, leaving 
him for dead. But he scrabled away, when they were 
gone, and made shift to gett home, (but dyed within 

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434 HISTORY OF [book H. 

a few days after,) by which means they were dis- 
covered ; and by subtilty the Indeans tooke them. For 
they desiring a canow to sett them over a water, 
(not thinking their facte had been known,) by y* 
sachems comand they were carried to Aquidnett Iland, 
& ther accused of y* murder, and were examed & 
comitted upon it by y* English ther. The Indeans sent 
for M"^. Williams, & made a greeveous complainte ; his 
freinds and kinred were ready to rise in armes, and 
provock the rest therunto, some conceiving they should 
now find y* Pequents words trew : that y® English 
would fall upon them. But M*". Williams pacified 
them, & tould them they should see justice done upon 
y* offenders ; & wente to y® man, & tooke M^ James, 
a phisition, with him. The man tould him who did it, 
& in what maner it was done ; but y* phisition found 
his wounds mortall, and that he could not live, (as he 
after testified upon othe, before y® jurie in oppen 
courte,) and so he dyed shortly after, as both W, 
Williams, M'. James, & some Indeans testified in 
courte. The Gov*^ in y* Bay were aquented with it, 
but refferrd it hither, because it was done in this 
jurisdiction ; * but pressed by all means y* justice 
might be done in it; or els y* countrie must rise & 
see justice done, otherwise it would raise a warr. Yet 

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English should be put to death for y® Indeans. So at 
last they of y* iland brought them hither, and being 
often examened, and y*^ evidence prodused, they all in 
the end freely confessed in effect all y* the Indean 
accused them of, & that they had done it, in y* maner 
afforesaid; and so, upon y* forementioned evidence, 
were cast by y® jurie, & condemned, & executed for 
the same. And some of y* Narigansett Indeans, & of 
y* parties freinds, were presente when it was done, 
which gave them & all y* countrie good satisfaction. 
But it was a matter of much sadnes to them hear, 
and was y® 2. execution which they had since they 
came; being both for wilfuU murder, as hath bene 
before related. Thus much of this mater. 

[229] They received this year more letters from 
England full of reneued complaints, on y* one side, 
that they could gett no money nor accounte from M^ 
Sherley ; & he againe, y' he was pressed therto, saying 
he was to accounte with those hear, and not with 
them, &c. So, as was before resolved, if nothing came 
of their last letters, they would now send them what 
they could, as supposing, when some good parte was 
payed them, that M'. Sherley & they would more 
easily agree aboute y® remainder. 

So they sent to M"". Andrews and M^ Beachamp, by 
M'. Joseph Yonge, in y* Mary & Anne, 1325**. waight 
of beaver, devided betweene them M"*. Beachamp re- 
turned an accounte of his moyety, that he made 400*^. 

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436 HISTORY OF [book II. 

starling of it, fraight and all charges paid. But M**. 
Andrews, though he had y* more and beter parte, yet 
he made not so much of his, through his owne indis- 
cretion ; and yet turned y® loss * upon them hear, but 
without cause. 

They sent them more by bills & other paimente, 
which was received & acknowledged by them, in 
money t & y* like; which was for katle sould of M^ 
Allertons, and y* price of a bark sold, which belonged 
to y® stock, and made over to them in money, 434**. 
sterling. The whole sume was 1234**. sterling, save 
what M"". Andrews lost in y® beaver, which was other- 
wise made good. But yet this did not stay their 
clamors, as will apeare here after more at large. 

It pleased God, in these times, so to blesse y® cuntry 
with such access & confluance of people into it, as it 
was therby much inriched, and catle of all kinds stood 
at a high rate for diverce years together. Kine were 
sould at 20**. and some at 25**. a peece, yea, some 
times at 28**. A cow-calfe usually at 10**. A milch 
goate at 3**. & some at 4**. And femall kids at 30*. 
and often at 40'. a peece. By which means y* anciente 
planters which had any stock begane to grow in their 
estats. Come also wente at a round rate. viz. 6". a 

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Kenebeck, and, as things stood, would follow it no 
longer. But some of them, (with other they joyned 
with,) being loath it should be lost by discontinuance, 
agreed with y® company for it, and gave them aboute 
y® 6. parte of their gaines for it ; [230] * with y* first 
fruits of which they builte a house for a prison; and 
the trade ther hath been since continued, to y® great 
benefite of y* place ; for some well fore-sawe that these 
high prises of come and catle would not long continue, 
and that then y* comodities ther raised would be much 

This year, aboute y® 1. or 2. of June, was a great 
& fearfuU earthquake ; it was in this place heard be- 
fore it was felte. It came with a rumbling noyse, or 
low murmure, like unto remoate thunder ; it came from 
y* norward, & pased southward. As y* noyse aproched 
nerer, they earth begane to shake, and came at length 
with that violence as caused platters, dishes, & such 
like things as stoode upon shelves, to clatter & fall 
downe ; yea, persons were afraid of y* houses them 
selves. It so fell oute y* at y* same time diverse of 
y* cheefe of this towne were mett together at one 
house, confening with some of their freinds that were 
upon their removall from y* place, (as if y^ Lord 
would herby shew y® signes of his displeasure, in their 
shaking a peeces & removalls one from an other.) 
How ever it was very terrible for y® time, and as 

• 130 in MS. 

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438 HISTORY OF [book H. 

y* men were set talking in y® house, some women 
& others were without y® dores, and y® earth shooke 
with y* violence as they could not stand without 
catching hould of y* posts & pails y' stood next 
them; but y*" violence lasted not long. And about 
halfe an hower, or less, came an other noyse & 
shaking, but nether so loud nor strong as y® former, 
but quickly passed over; and so it ceased. It was 
not only on y* sea coast, but y® Indeans felt it 
within land; and some ships that were upon y* coast 
were shaken by it. So powerfull is y* mighty hand of 
y^ Lord, as to make both the earth & sea to shake, 
and the mountaines to tremble before him, when he 
pleases ; and who can stay his hand ? It was observed 
that y*' somers, for divers years togeather after this 
earthquake, were not so hotte & seasonable for y* 
ripning of come & other fruits as formerly; but 
more could & moyst, & subjecte to erly & untimly 
frosts, by which, many times, much Indean come 
came not to maturitie; but whether this was any 
cause, I leave it to naturallists to judge. 

Anno Bom: 1639. & Anno Bom: 1640. 
These 2. years I joyne togeather, because in them 

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1639, 1640.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 439 

townships, and amongst y® rest to y® inhabitants of 
Sityate, some wherof issewed from them selves, and 
allso a large tracte of land was given to their 4. 
London partners in y* place, viz. M'. Sherley, M*". 
Beacham, M'. Andrews, & M'. Hatherley. At M'. 
Hatherley's request and choys it was by him taken 
for him selfe and them in y^ place; for the other 
3. had invested him with power & trust to chose 
for them. And this tracte of land extended to their 
utmoste limets that way, and bordered on their neig- 
bours of y** Massachusets, who had some years after 
seated a towne (called Hingam) on their lands next 
to these parts. So as now ther grue great differance 
betweene these 2. townships, about their bounds, and 
some meadow grownds that lay betweene them. They 
of Hingam presumed to alotte parte of them to their 
people, and measure & stack them out. The other 
pulled up their stacks, & threw them. So it grew 
to a controversie betweene the 2. goverments, & many 
letters and passages were betweene them aboute it; 
and it hunge some 2. years in suspense. The Courte 
of Massachusets appointed some to range their line 
according to y® bounds of their patente, and (as they 
wente to worke) they made it to take in all Sityate, 
and I know not how much more. Againe, on y*' 
other hand, according to y*" line of y® patente of 
this place, it would take in Hingame and much more 
within their bounds. 

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440 HISTORY OF [book II. 

In y® end boath Courts agreed to chose 2. comis- 
sioners of each side, and to give them full & absolute 
power to agree and setle y® bounds betwene them ; and 
what they should doe in y* case should stand irrevo- 
cably. One meeting they had at Hingam, but could 
not conclude; for their comissioners stoode stiffly on 
a clawes in their graunte, That from Charles-river, 
or any branch or parte therof, they were to extend 
their limits, and 3. myles further to y® southward; 
or from y* most southward parte of y* Massachusets 
Bay, and 3. mile further. But they chose to stand 
on y® former termes, for they had found a smale 
river, or brooke rather, that a great way with in 
land trended southward, and issued into some part 
of y* river taken to be Charles-river, and from y* 
most southerly part of this, & 3. mile more south- 
ward of y® same, they would rune a line east to y* 
sea, aboute 20. mile ; which will (say they) take in 
a part of Plimoth itselfe. Now it is to be knowne 
y* though this patente & plantation were much the 
ancienter, yet this inlargemente of y® same (in which 
Sityate stood) was granted after theirs, and so theirs 
were first to take place, before this inlargmente. Xow 
their answer was, first, that, however according to their 
owne plan, they could noway come upon any part of 
their ancieante grante. [232] 2^. They could never 
Drove v* to be a oarte of Charles-river, for thev knew 

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1639, 1640.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 441 

place, which came first, imposed such a name upon 
y* river, upon which, since, Charles-towne is builte 
(supposing y' was it, which Captaine Smith in his 
mapp so named). Now they y* first named it have 
best reason to know it, and to explaine which is it. 
But they only tooke it to be Charles river, as fare 
as it was by them navigated, and y^ was as farr as 
a boate could goe. But y* every runlett or small 
brooke, y* should, farr within land, come into it, or 
mixe their stremes with it, and were by y® natives 
called by other & difierente names from it, should 
now by them be made Charles-river, or parts of it, 
they saw no reason for it. And gave instance in 
Humber, in Old England, which had y® Trente, Ouse, 
and many others of lesser note fell into it, and yet 
were not counted parts of it ; and many smaler rivers 
& broks fell into y* Trente, & Ouse, and no parts 
of them, but had nams aparte, and divisions & nom- 
inations of them selves. Againe, it was pleaded that 
they had no east line in their patente, but were to 
begine at y* sea, and goe west by a line, &c. At 
this meeting no conclution was made, but things dis- 
cussed & well prepared for an issue. The next year 
y* same comissioners had their power continued or re- 
newed, and mett at Sityate, and concluded y* mator, 
as followeth. 

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442 HISTORY OF [book U. 

The agreemente of y* bounds betwi^e Plimoth and Massa- 


Wheras ther were tow comissiones granted by y* 2. juris- 
dictions, y* one of Massachsets Govermente, granted unto 
John Endecott, gent: and Israeli Stoughton, gent: the other 
of New-Plimoth Govermente, to William Bradford, Gov', and 
Edward Winslow, gent: and both these for y* setting out, 
setling, & determining of y* bounds & limitts of y* lands 
betweene y* said jurisdictions, wherby not only this presente 
age, but y* posteritie to come may live peaceably & quietly 
in y* behalfe. And for as much as y* said comissioners on 
both sids have full power so to doe, as appeareth by y* 
records of both jurisdictions ; we therfore, y* said comissioners 
above named, doe hearby with one consente & agreemente 
conclude, detirmine, and by these presents declare, that all 
y* marshes at Conahasett y* lye of y* one side of y* river 
next to Hingam, shall belong to y* jurisdition of Massa- 
chusetts Plantation ; and all y* marshes y* lye on y* other 
side of y* river next to Sityate, shall be long to y* jurisdiction 
of New-Plimoth; excepting 60. acers of marsh at y* mouth 
of y* river, on Sityate side next to the sea, which we doe 
herby agree, conclude, & detirmine shall belong to y* juris- 
dition of Massachusetts. And further, we doe hearby agree, 
determine, and conclude, y' the bounds of y® limites betweene 
both y* said jurisditions are as followeth, viz. from y*" mouth 
of y® brook y* runeth into Chonahasett marches (which we 
call by y® name of Bound-brooke) with a stright & directe 
line to y* midie of a great ponde, y* lyeth on y* right hand 
of y® uper path, or commone way, y* leadeth betweene 
Waimoth and Plimoth, close to y* path as [233] we goe 

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1639, 1640. j PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 443 

y' souther-most part of Charles-river,* & 3. miles southerly, 
inward into y'' countrie, according as is expresed in y® patente 
granted by his Ma*'* to y* Company of y* Massachusetts Plan- 
tation. Provided allways and never y* less concluded & 
determined by mutuall agreemente betweene y* said comis- 
sioners, y* if it fall out y* the said line from Accord-pond 
to y* sothermost parte of Charles-river, & 3. rayles southerly 
as is before expresed, straiten or hinder any parte of any 
plantation begune by y® Gove** of New-Plimoth, or hereafter 
to be begune within 10. yeai-s after y° date of these ^s"**, 
that then, notwithstanding y* said line, it shall be lawfull 
for y* said Gov'* of New-Plimoth to assume on y' northerly 
side of y* said line, wher it shall so intrench as afforesaid, 
80 much land as will make up y® quantity of eight miles 
square, to belong to every shuch plantation begune, or to 
[be] begune as afforesaid ; which we agree, determine, & 
conclude to appertaine & belong to y* said Gov'* of New- 
Plimoth. And wheras y' said line, from y® said brooke which 
rnneth into Choahassett saltmarshes, called by us Bound- 
brooke, and y* pond called Accord-pond, lyeth nere y* lands 
belonging to y* tounships of Sityate & Hingam, we doe ther- 
fore hereby determine & conclude, that if any devissions 
allready made and recorded, by either y* said townships, doe 
crose the said line, that then it shall stand, & be of force 
according to y* former intents and purposes of y* said townes 
granting them (the marshes formerly agreed on exepted). 
And y* no towne in either jurisdiction shall hereafter ex- 
ceede, but containe them selves within y® said lines expressed. 
In witnes wherof we, the comissioners of both jurisdictions, 
doe by these presents indented set our hands & scales y* 
ninth day of y* 4. month in 16. year of our soveraine lord, 
king Charles ; and in y* year of our Lord, 1640. 

William Bradford, Gov'. Jo: Endecott. 

Ed: Winslow. Israell Stoughton. 

• Which i3 Charles River may still be questioned. 

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444 HI8TOBY OP [book II. 

Wheras y® patente was taken in y* name of William 
Bradford, (as in trust,) and rane in these termes : To 
him, his heires, and associats & assignes ; and now y* 
noumber of free-men being much increased, and diverce 
tounships established and setled in severall quarters of 
y® govermente, as Plimoth, Duxberie, Sityate, Tanton, 
Sandwich, Yarmouth, Barnstable, Marchfeeld, and not 
longe after, Seacunke (called afterward, at y* desire 
of y* inhabitants, Rehoboth) and Nawsett, it was by 
y* Courte desired that William Bradford should make a 
surrender of y* same into their hands. The which he 
willingly did, in this maner following. 

Wheras William Bradford, and diverce others y' first in- 
struments of God in the begiiiing of this great work of 
plantation, togeather with such as y" allordering hand of God 
in his providence soone added unto them, have been at very 
great charges to procure y* lands, priviledges, & freedoms 
from all intanglments, as may appeare by diverse & sundrie 
deeds, inlaigments of grants, purchases, and payments of 
debts, &c., by reason wherof y* title to y* day of these 
presents [234] remaineth in y* said William Bradford, his 
heires, associats, and assignes : now, for y' better setling 
of y* estate of the said lands (contained in y* grant or 
pattente), the said William Bradford, and those first instru- 
ments termed & called in sondry orders upon publick recorde, 
Y* Purchasei-8, or Old comers; witnes 2. in spetiall, the one 
bearing date y® 3. of March, 1639. the other in Des : the 

1 A «o if»iA — 1 i._ Ai A_ I <.:-.ii — 1^*:-,-, 

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1639, 1640.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 445 

said William Bradford, for him selfe, his heires, together with 
y* said purchasers, doe only reserve onto them selves, their 
heires, and assignes those 3. tractes of land mentioned in y* 
said resolution, order, and agreemente, bearing date y" first 
of Des : 1640. viz. first, from y* bounds of Yaimouth, 3. miles 
to y* eastward of Naemschatet, and from sea to sea, crose 
the neck of land. The 2. of a place called Acoughcouss, 
which lyeth in y* botome of y* bay adjoyning to y* west-side 
of Pointe Perill, and 2. myles to y* westeme side of y* said 
river, to an other place called Acushente river, which entereth 
at y* westerne end of Nacata, and 2. miles to y* eastward 
therof, and to extend 8. myles up into y* countrie. The 
3. place, from Sowansett river to Patucket river, (with Caw- 
sumsett neck,) which is y® cheefe habitation of y* Indeans, 
& reserved for them to dwell upon,) extending into y* land 8. 
myles through y* whole breadth therof. Togeather with such 
other small parcells of lands as they or any of them are per- 
sonally possessed of or intressed in, by vertue of any former 
titles or grante whatsoever. And y* said William Bradford 
doth, by y" free & full consente, approbation, and agreemente 
of y* said old-planters, or purchasers, together with y* liking, 
approbation, and acceptation of y* other parte of y* said 
corporation, sun-ender into y' hands of y® whole courte, con- 
sisting of y' free-men of this corporation of New-Plimoth, all 
y* other right & title, power, authority, priviledges, immu- 
nities, & freedomes granted in y" said letters patents by y* 
said right Honb'® Counsell for New-England; reserveing his 
& their personall right of freemen, together w*^ the said old 
planters afforesaid, excepte y* said lands before excepted, 
declaring the freemen of this corporation, togeather with all 
such as shal be legally admitted into y* same, his associats. 
And y* said William Bradford, for him, his heiers. & assignes, 
doe hereby further promise and grant to doe & performe 
whatsoever further thing or things, acte or actes, which in 
him lyeth, which shall be needfull and expediente for y** better 

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446 HISTORY OP [book II. 

confirming and establishing the said premises, as by counsel 
lemed in y* lawes shall be reasonably advised and devised, 
when he shall be ther unto required. In witness wherof, the 
said William Bradford hath in pubiick courte surrendered 
the said letters patents actually into y* hands & power of y* 
said courte, binding him selfe, his heires, executors, admin- 
istratoi*s, and assignes to deliver up whatsoever spetialties are 
in his hands that doe or may conceme the same. 

[235] In these 2. years they had sundry letters out 
of England to send one over to end the buissines and 
accounte with M*". Sherley ; who now professed he 
could not make up his accounts without y® help of 
some from hence, espetialy M^ Winslows. They had 
serious thoughts of it, and y® most parte of y* partners 
hear thought it best to send; but they had formerly 
written such bitter and threatening letters as M'. Wins- 
low was neither willing to goe, nor y* any other of y* 
partners should ; for he was perswaded, if any of them 
wente, they should be arested, and an action of such 
a sume layed upon them as they should not procure 
baele, but must lye in prison, and then they would 
bring them to what they liste ; or other wise they 
might be brought into trouble by y* arch-bishops 
means, as y^ times then stood. But, notwithstand- 
ing, they weer much inclined to send, & Captaine 
Standish was willing to goe, but they resolved, see- 
ing they could not all agree in this thing, and that 
it was waighty, and y* consequence might prove dan- 
gerous, to take M'. Winthrops advise in y* things 

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1639, 1640.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 447 

and y* rather, because M'. Andrews had by many 
letters acquaynted him with y* differences betweene 
them, and appoynted him for his^ assigne to receive 
his parte of y* debte. (And though they deneyed to 
pay him any as a debte, till y® controversie was ended, 
yet they had deposited 110**. in money in his hands 
for M*". Andrews, to pay to him in parte as soone 
as he would come to any agreement with y® rest.) 
But M^ Winthrop was of M'. Winslows minde, and 
disswaded them from sending ; so they broak of their 
resolution from sending, and returned this answer: 
that the times were dangerous as things stood with 
them, for they knew how M'. Winslow had suffered 
formerley, and for a small matter was clapte up in 
y* Fleete, & it was long before he could gett out, 
to both his & their great loss and damage ; and 
times were not better, but worse, in y* respecte. 
Yet, that their equall & honest minds might appeare 
to all men, they made them this tender: to refferr y® 
case to some gentle-men and marchants in y* Bay of 
y*^ Massachusetts, such as they should chuse, and were 
well knowne unto them selves, (as they perceived 
their wer many of their aquaintance and jfreinds ther, 
better knowne to them then y® partners hear,) and 
let them be informed in y* case by both sids, and 
have all y* evidence y' could be prodused, in writ- 
ing, or other wise ; and they would be bound to 
stand to their determination, and make good their 

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448 HISTORY OF [book II. 

award, though it should cost them all thej had in 
y* world. But this did not please them, but they 
were offended at it, without any great reasone for 
ought I know, (seeing nether side could give in clear 
accountes, y* partners here could not, by reason they 
(to their smarte) were failed by y* accountante they 
sent them, and M'. Sherley pretened he could not 
allso,) save as they conceived it a disparagmente 
to yeeld to their inferiours in respecte of y* place 
and other concurring circomstances. So this came to 
nothing; and afterward M*". Sherley write, y* if M^ 
Winslow would mett him in France, y* Low-Coun- 
tries, or Scotland, let y* place be knowne, and he 
[236] come to him ther. But in regard of y® troubles 
that now begane to arise in our owne nation, and 
other reasons, this did not come to any effecte. That 
which made them so desirous to bring things to an 
end was partly to stope y® clamours and aspertions 
raised & cast upon them hereaboute; though they 
conceived them selves to sustaine the greatest wrong, 
and had most cause of complainte ; and partly because 
they feared y* fall of catle, in which most parte of 
their estats lay. And this was not a vaine feare; 
for they fell indeede before they came to a conclu- 
sion, and that so souddanly, as a cowe that but a 
month before was worth 20**., and would so have 

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would now yeeld but 8. or lO*. at most. All men 
feared a fall of catle, but it was thought it would 
be by degrees ; and not to be from y* highest pitch 
at once to y* lowest, as it did, which was greatly 
to y* damage of many, and y" undoing of some. An 
other • reason was, they many of them grew aged, 
(and indeed a rare thing it was that so many part- 
ners should all live together so many years as these 
did,) and saw many changes were like to befall; so 
as they were loath to leave these intanglments upon 
their children and posteritie, who might be driven to 
remove places, as they had done; yea, them selves 
might doe it yet before they dyed. But this bussi- 
nes must yet rest; y* next year gave it more rip- 
nes, though it rendred them less able to pay, for 
y* reasons afforesaid. 

Anno Dom: 1641. 
M*. Sherley being weary of this controversie, and 
desirous of an end, (as well as them selves,) write to 
M'. John Atwode and M^ William Collier, 2. of y* 
inhabitants of this place, and of his speatiall aquaint- 
ance, and desired them to be a means to bring this 
bussines to an end, by advising; & counselling the 
partners hear, by some way to bring it to a composi- 
tion, by mutuall agreemente. And he write to them 
selves allso to y* end, as by his letter may apear; so 
much therof as concemse y® same I shall hear relate. 

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450 HISTORY OF [book II. 

S'. My love remembered, &c. I have writte so much con- 
cerning y* ending of accounts betweexte us, as I profess I 
know not what more to write, &c. If you desire an end, 
as you seeme to doe, ther is (as I conceive) but 2. waise ; 
that is, to parfecte all accounts, from y* first to y* last, &c. 
Now if we find this difficulte, and tedious, haveing not been 
so stricte & carefull as we should and oughte to have 
done, as for my owne parte I doe confess I have been some- 
what to remisse, and doe verily thinke so are you, &c. I 
fear you can never make a perfecte accounte of all your 
pety viages, out, & home too & againe, &c.* So then y* 
second way must be, by biding, or [237] compounding ; and 
this way, first or last, we must fall upon, &c. If we must 
waiT at law for it, doe not you expecte from me, nether 
will I from you, but to cleave y^ heare, and then I dare say 
y* lawyers will be most gainers, &c. Thus let us set to y* 
worke, one way or other, and end, that I may not allways 
suffer in my name <& estate. And you are not free; nay, 
y* gospell suffers by your delaying, and causeth y* professors 
of it to be hardly spoken of, that you, being many, & now 
able, should combine & joyne togeather to oppi^ss & bur- 
den me, &c. Fear not to make a faire & reasonable offer; 
beleeve me, I will never take any advantage to plead it 
against you, or to wrong you ; or else let M'. Winslow corae 
over, and let him have such full power & authority as we may 
ende by compounding ; or else, y* accounts so well and fully 
made up, as we may end by reconing. Now, blesed be God, 
y* times be much changed here, I hope to see many of yon 
retume to you' native countrie againe, and have such fi*ee- 
dome & libertie as y* word of God prescribs. Our bishops 
were never so near a downfall as now ; God hath mimcu- 

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Machavillian plots A projects on their owne heads, &c. 
Thus you see what is fitt to be done concerning our per- 
ticulere greevances. I pray you take it seriously into consid- 
eration; let each give way a litle that we may meete, &c. 
Be you and all yours kindly saluted, &c. So I ever rest, 

Your loving friend, 

James Sherlbt. 
Clapham, May 18. 1641. 

Being thus by this later, and allso by M^ Atwodeb 
& M\ Colliers mediation urged to bring things to an 
end, (and y* continuall clamors from y® rest,) and by 
none more urged then by their own desires, they tooke 
this course (because many scandals had been raised 
upon them). They apoynted these 2. men before men- 
tioned to meet on a certaine day, and called some 
other freinds on both sids, and M'. Free-man, brother 
in law to M^ Beachamp, and having drawne up a col- 
lection of all y® remains of y* stock, in what soever it 
was, as housing, boats, bark, and all implements be- 
longing to y* same, as they were used in y® time of 
y« trad, were they better or worce, with y® remaines 
of all comodities, as beads, knives, hatchetts, cloth, or 
any thing els, as well y® refuse as y® more vendible, 
with all debts, as well those y* were desperate as 
others more hopefuU ; and having spent diverce days 
to bring this to pass, having y^ helpe of all bookes and 

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452 HISTORY OF [book H. 

aboute 1400". And they all of them tooke a volun- 
tary but a sollem oath, in y* presence one of an 
other, and of all their frends, y* persons abovesaid y* 
were now presente, that this was all that any of them 
knew of, or could remember; and Josias Winslow did 
y* like for his parte. But y* truth is they wrongd 
them selves much in y* valuation, for they reconed 
6ome catle as they were taken of M'. Allorton, as for 
instance a cowe in y* hands of one cost 25*. and so 
she was valued in this accounte; but when she came 
to be past away in parte of paymente, after y® agree- 
mente, she would be accepted but at 4**. 15*. [238] 
Also, being tender of their oaths, they brought in all 
they knew owing to y® stock; but they had not made 
y* like diligente search what y* stocke might owe to 
any, so as many scattering debts fell upon afterwards, 
more then now they knew of. 

Upon this they drew certaine articles of agreemente 
betweene M' Atwode, on M'. Sherleys behalfe, and 
them selves. The effecte is as folloeth. 

Articles of agreemente made and ccmdnded upon, 3^ 15. day of 
October^ 1641. &c. 

Imp: Wheras ther was a partnership for diverce years 
agreed ' upon betweene James Sherley, John Beacham, and 
Richard Andrews, of London, marchants, and William Brad- 
ford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prence, Myles Standish, 
William Brewster, John Aldon, & John Rowland, w*** Isaack 
Allerton, in a trade of beaver skines & other furrs arising 

Digitized by 



in New-England; the terme of which said partnership being 
expired, and diverse sumes of money in goods adventnred 
into New-England by y* said James Sherley, John Beachamp, 
& Richard Andrews, and many large returnes made from 
New-England by y* said William Bradford, Ed: Winslow, 
&c. ; and dififerance arising aboute y* charge of 2. ships, the 
one called y* White Angele, of Bristow, and y* other y* 
Frindship, of Barnstable, and a viage intended in her, &c. ; 
which said ships & their viages, y* said William Bradford, 
Ed : W. &c. conceive doe not at all appertaine to their ac- 
counts of partnership ; and weras y* accounts of y* said 
partnership are found to be confused, and cannot orderley 
appeare (through y* defaulte of Josias Winslow, y* booke 
keeper) ; and weras y* said W. B. &c. have received all 
their goods for y* said trade from the foresaid James Sher- 
ley, and have made most of their returnes to him, by con- 
sente of y* said John Beachamp & Richard Andrews ; and 
wheras also y* said James Sherley hath given power & 
authoritie to M^ John Atwode, with y* advice & consente 
of William Collier, of Duxborow, for and on his behalfe, to 
put such an absolute end to y* said partnership, with all 
and every accounts, reconings, dues, claimes, demands, what- 
soever, to y* said James Sherley, John Beacham, & Richard 
Andrews, from y* said W. B. &c. for and concerning y* said 
beaver trade, & also y* charge y* said 2. ships, and their 
viages made or pretended, whether just or un juste, from y* 
worlds begining to this presente, as also for y** paimente 
of a purchas of 1800*'. made by Isaack Alleiix)n, for and on 
y« behalfe of y* said W. B., Ed: W., &c., and of y* joynt 
stock, shares, lands, and adventurs, what soever in New- 
England aforesaid, as apeareth by a deede bearing date y* 
6. Nov**'. 1627; and also for and from such sume and sumes 
of money or goods as are received by William Bradford, 
Tho : Prence, & Myles Standish, for y* recoveiy of dues, by 
accounts betwexte them, y* said James Sherly, John Bea- 

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454 HISTORY OP [book n. 

champ, & Richard Andrews, and Isaack Allerton, for y* ship 
caled y* White Angell. Now y* said John Attwode, with ad- 
vice & counsell of y* said William Collier, having had much 
comunication & spente diverse days in agitation of all y* 
said differances & accounts with y* said W. B., E. W., 
&c ; and y* said W. B., E. W., &c. have also, with y* said 
book-keeper spente much time in collecting & gathering 
togeither y* remainder of y* stock of partnership for y* said 
trade, and what soever hath beene received, or is due by y* 
said attorneyship before expresed, and all, and all manner 
of goods, debts, and dues therunto belonging, as well those 
debts that are weake and doubtfuU [239] and desperate, as 
those y* are more secure, which in all doe amounte to y* 
sume of 1400^. or ther aboute ; and for more full satisfac- 
tion of y* said James Sherley, John Beachamp, A Richard 
Andrews, the said W. B. and all y* rest of y* abovesaid 
paiiiners, togeither with Josias Winslow y* booke keeper, 
have taken a voluntarie oath, y* within y* said sume of 
1400**. or theraboute, is contained whatsoever they knew, to 
y* utmost of their reraemberance. 

In consideration of all which matters & things before ex- 
pressed, and to y* end y* a full, absolute, and finall end 
may be now made, and all suits in law may be avoyded, 
and love & peace continued, it is therfore agreed and con- 
cluded betweene y* said John Attwode, with y* advice & 
consent of y" said William Colier, for & on y* behalfe of 
y* said James Sherley, to and with y* said W. B., &c. in 
maner and forme following: viz. that y* said John Attwode 
shall procure a sufllciente release and discharge, under y* 
hands A Reals of v* said Jamps Sherlev. John BeachamD. & 

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every of them shall be fully and absolutly aquited & dis- 
charged of all actions, suits, reconings, accounts, claimes, and 
demands whatsoever concerning y* generall stock of beaver 
trade, paymente of y* said 1800**. for y* purchass, and all 
demands, reckonings, and accounts, just or unjuste, con- 
cerning the tow ships Whit-Angell and Frendship aforesaid, 
togeather with whatsoever hath been received by y* said 
William Bradford, of y* goods or estate of Isaack Allerton, 
for satisfaction of y* accounts of y* said ship called y* 
Whit Angele, by vertue of a ire of attourney to him, Thomas 
Prence, & Myles Standish, directed from y* said James Sher- 
ley, John Beachamp, & Richard Andrews, for y* purpose as 

It is also agreed & concluded upon betweene the said 
parties to these presents, that the said W. B., E. W., &c. 
shall now be bound in 2400**. for paymente of 1200**. in full 
satisfaction of all demands as afforesaid ; to be payed in 
maner & forme following; that is to say, 400**. within 2. 
months next after y* receite of the aforesaid releases and 
discharges, one hundred and ten pounds wherof is allready 
in y* hands of John Winthrop senior of Boston, Esquire, by 
the means of M'. Richard Andrews afforesaid, and 80". 
waight of beaver now deposited into y* hands of y* said 
John Attwode, to be both in part of paimente of y" said 
400**. and y" other 800**. to be payed by 200**. p' anume, to 
such assignes as shall be appointed, inhabiting either in 
Plimoth or Massachusetts Bay, in such goods & comodi- 
ties, and at such rates, as the countrie shall afford at y« 
time of delivery & paymente ; and in y* mean time y* said 
bond of 2400**. to be deposited into y* hands of y® said John 
Attwode. And it is agreed upon by & betweene y* said 
parties to these presents, that if y® said John Attwode shall 
not or cannot procure such said releases & discharges as 
afforesaid from y*' said James Sherley, John Bachamp, & 

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456 HISTORY OF [book II. 

Richard Andrews, at or before y* last day of August next 
insuing y* date hear of, y' then y* said John Attwode shall, 
at y* said day precisely, redeliver, or cause to [240] be de- 
livered unto y* said W. B., E. W., &c. their said bond of 
2400**. and y* said 80**. waight of beaver, or y' due valesr 
therof , without any fraud or further delay ; and for perform- 
ance of all & singuler y* covenants and agreements hearin 
contained and expressed, which on y* one parte and behalf e 
of y* said James Sherley are to be observed & performed, 
shall become bound in y* sume of 2400*^. to them, y* said 
William Bradford, Edwai-d Winslow, Thomas Prence, Myles 
Standish, William Brewster, John AUden, and John How- 
land And it is lastly agreed upon betweene y* said parties, 
that these presents shall be left in trust, to be kepte for 
boath parties, in y* hands of Mr. John Reanour, teacher of 
Plimoth. In witnes wherof, all y* said paities have here- 
unto severally sett their hands, y* day and year first above 

John Atwode, William Bradford, Edward Wimslow, Ac. 
In y* presence of Edmond Freeman, 

William Thomas, 

William Pady, 

Nathaniell Souther. 

The nexte year this long and tedious bassines came 
to some issue, as will then appeare, though not to a 
finall ende with all y* parties ; but this much for y* 

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reverend, godly, and very lamed man, intending upon 
triall to chose him pastor of y" church hear, for y* 
more comfortable performance of y® ministrie with M^ 
John Reinor, the teacher of y* same. But ther fell 
out some differance aboute baptising, he holding it 
ought only to be by diping, and putting y'' whole body 
under water, and that sprinkling was unlawfuU. The 
church yeelded that immersion, or dipping, was law- 
full, but in this could countrie not so conveniente. 
But they could not nor durst not yeeld to him in 
this, that sprinkling (which all y* churches of Christ 
doe for y* most parte use at this day) was unlawfull, 
& an humane invention, as y* same was prest; but 
they were willing to yeeld to him as far as y*^ could, 
& to y* utmost ; and were contented to suflTer him to 
practise as he was perswaded; and when he came to 
minister that ordnance, he might so doe it to any y* 
did desire it in y' way, provided he could peacably 
suffer M^ Reinor, and such as desired to have theirs 
otherwise baptised by him, by sprinkling or powering 
on of water upon them ; so as ther might be no dis- 
turbance in y* church hereaboute. But he said he 
could not yeeld herunto. Upon which the church pro- 
cured some other ministers to dispute y'^ pointe with 
him publikly ; as M'. Ralfe Partrich, of Duxberie, who 
did it sundrie times, very ablie and suflScentiy, as allso 
some other ministers within this govermente. But he 
was not satisfied ; so y* church sent to many other 

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458 HISTORY OF [book U. 

churches to crave their help and advise in [241] this 
mater, and, with his will & consente, sent them his 
arguments writen under his owne hand. They sente 
them to y* church at Boston in y* Bay of Massachu- 
sets, to be comunicated with other churches ther. 
Also they sent the same to y* churches of Conighte- 
cutt and New-Haven, with sundrie others; and re- 
ceived very able & sufficent answers, as they con- 
ceived, from them and their lamed ministers, who all 
concluded against him. But him selfe was not satis- 
fied therw***. Their answers are too large hear to 
relate. They conceived y* church had done what was 
meete in y* thing, so M^ Chansey, having been y* most 
parte of 3. years here, removed him selfe to Sityate, 
wher he now remaines a minister to y* church ther. 
Also about these times, now y* catle & other things 
begane greatly to fall from their former rates, and 
persons begane to fall into more straits, and many 
being allready gone from them, (as is noted before,) 
both to Duxberie, Marshfeeld, and other places, & 
those of y® cheefe sorte, as M^ Winslow, Captaine 
Standish, Mr. Allden, and many other, & stille some 
dropping away daly, and some at this time, and many 
more unsetled, it did greatly weaken y* place, and by 

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Anno Dora: 1642. 
Marvilous it may be to see and consider how some 
kind of wickednes did grow & breake forth here, in a 
land wher the same was so much witnesed against, and 
so narrowly looked unto, & severly punished when it 
was knowne ; as in no place more, or so much, that 
I have known or heard of; insomuch as they have 
been somewhat censured, even by moderate and good 
men, for their severitie in punishments. And yet all 
this could not suppress y* breaking out of sundrie no- 
torious sins, (as this year, besids other, gives us too 
many sad presidents and instances,) espetially drunk- 
ennes and unclainnes ; not only incontinencie betweene 
persons unmaried, for which many both men & women 
have been punished sharply enough, but some maried 
persons allso. But that which is worse, even sod- 
omie and bugerie, (things fearful! to name,) have broak 
forth in this land, oftener then once. I say it may 
justly be marveled at, and cause us to fear & tremble 
at the consideration of our corrupte natures, which are 
so hardly bridled, subdued, & mortified; nay, cannot 
by any other means but y® powerful! worke & grace of 
Gods spirite. But (besids this) one reason may be, 
that y* Dive!! may carrie a greater spite against the 
churches of Christ and y* gospel! hear, by how much 
y* more they indeaour to preserve holynes and puritie 
amongst them, and strictly punisheth the contrary 

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460 HISTORY or [book II. 

when it ariseth either in church or comone wealth; 
that he might cast a [242] blemishe & staine upon 
them in y® eyes of [y''] world, who use to be rash in 
judgmente. I would rather thinke thus, then that 
Satane hath more power in these heathen lands, as 
som have thought, then in more Christian nations, es- 
petially over Gods servants in them. 

2. An other reason may be, that it may be in this 
case as it is with waters when their streames are 
stopped or darned up, when they gett passage they 
flow with more violence, and make more noys and dis- 
turbance, then when they are suflfered to rune quietly 
in their owne chanels. So wikednes being here more 
stopped by strict laws, and y® same more nerly looked 
unto, so as it cannot rune in a comone road of liberty 
as it would, and is inclined, it searches every wher, 
and at last breaks out wher it getts vente. 

3. A third reason may be, hear (as I am verily per- 
swaded) is not more evills in this kind, nor nothing 
nere so many by proportion, as in other places ; but 
they are here more disco verd and seen, and made pub- 
lick by due serch, inquisition, and due punishment; 
for y* churches looke narrowly to their members, and 
y* magistrats over all, more strictly then in other 

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knowne; wheras hear, they are, as it were, brought 
into y* light, and set in y^ plaine feeld, or rather on 
a hill, made conspicuous to y* veiw of all. 

But to proceede ; ther came a letter from y* Gov' 
in y^ Bay to them here, touching matters of y* fore- 
mentioned nature, which because it may be usefull 
I shall hear relate it, and y^ passages ther aboute. 

S': Having an opportunitie to signifie y* desires of our Gen- 
eral! Court in toow things of spetiall importance, I willingly 
take this occasion to imparte them to you, y' you may im parte 
them to y* rest of your magistrats, and also to your Elders, 
for counsell ; and give us your advise in them. The first is 
coDceming heinous ofiPences in point of uneleannes ; the per- 
ticuler cases, with y® circomstances, and y* questions ther 
upon, you have hear inclosed. The 2. thing is concerning 
y^ Ilanders at Aquidnett; y* seeing the cheefest of them are 
gone from us, in offences, either to churches, or comone welth, 
or both ; others are dependants on them, and y® best sorte 
are such as close with them in all their rejections of us. 
Neither is it only in a faction y' they are devided from us, 
but in very deed they rend them selves from all y' true 
churches of Christ, and, many of them, from all y* powers 
of majestracie. We have had some experience hereof by some 
of their underworkers, or emissaries, who have latly come 
amongst us, and have made publick dejSance against magis- 
tracie, ministrie, churches, & church covenants, &c. as anti- 
chnstian ; secretly also sowing y* seeds of Familisme, and 
Anabaptistrie, to y* infection of some, and danger of others ; 
so that we are not willing to joyne with them in any league 
or confederacie at all, but rather that you would consider & 
advise with us how we may avoyd them, and keep ours from 
being infected by them. Another thing T should mention 

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462 HISTORY OF [book H. 

to you, for y* maintenance of y* trad of beaver; if ther be 
not a company to order it in every jurisdition among y* 
English, which companies should agree in generall of their 
way in trade, I supose that y* trade will be overthrowne, and 
y* Indeans will abuse us. For this cause we have latly put 
it into order amongst us, hoping of incouragmente from you 
(as we have had) y' we may continue y' same. Thus not 
further to trouble you, I rest, with my loving remembrance 
to your selfe, &c. 

Your loving friend, 

Ri : Belling HAM. 
Boston, 28. (1.) 1642. 

The note inclosed follows on y* other side.* 

[244] Worthy & beloved S': 

Your letter (with y* questions inclosed) I have comunicated 
with our Assistants, and we have refered y* answer of them 
to such Reve** Elders as are amongst us, some of whose 
answers thertoo we have here sent you inclosed, under their 
owne hands ; from y* rest we have not yet received any. Our 
farr distance hath bene y*" reason of this long delay, as also 
y* they could not conferr their counsells togeather. 

For our selves, (you know our breedings & abillities,) we 
rather desire light from your selves, & others, whom God 
hath better inabled, then to presume to give our judgments in 
cases so difficulte and of so high a nature. Yet under cor- 
rection, and submission to better judgments, we propose this 
one thing to your prudent considerations. As it seems to us, 
in y^ case even of willfull murder, that though a man did 

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did not dye, the magistrate was not to take away y* others 
life.* So by proportion in other grosse & foule sines, though 
high attempts & nere approaches to y* same be made, and 
such as in the sight & account of God may be as ill as y* 
accomplishmente of y* foulest acts of y' sine, yet we doute 
whether it may be safe for y* magistrate to proceed to death ; 
we thinke, upon y* former grounds, mther he may not. As, 
for instance, in y* case of adultrie, (if it be admitted y* it is 
to be punished w*** death, which to some of us is not cleare,) 
if y* body be not actually defiled, then death is not to be 
inflicted. So in sodomie, & beastialitie, if ther be not pene- 
tration. Yet we confess foulnes of circomstances, and fre- 
quencie in y* same, doth make us remaine in y* darke, and 
desire further light from you, or any, as God shall give. 

As for y* 2. thing, conceraing y* Ilanders? we have no con- 
versing with them, nor desire to have, fui-der then necessitie 
or humanity may require. 

And as for trade? we have as farr as we could ever therin 
held an orderly course, & have been sory to see y* spoyle 
therof by others, and fear it will hardly be recovered. But 
in these, or any other things which may concerne y*" coinone 
good, we shall be willing to advise & concure with you in 
what we may. Thus w*** my love remembered to your selfe, 
and y* rest of our worthy friends, your Assistants, I take 
leave, & rest. 

Your loving friend, 

W. B. 

Plim: 17. 8. month, 1642. 

Now follows y* ministers answers. And first M*". 

• Exod: 21. 22. Den: 19. 11. Nam: 36. 16. 18. 

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464 HISTORY OF [book II. 

Qest : What sodmiticall acts are to be punished with death, 
& what very facte (ipso facto) is worthy of death, or, if y* 
fact it selfe be not capitall, what circomstances concurring 
may make it capitall? 

Ans : In y® judiciall law (y* moralitie wherof concerneth us) 
it is manyfest y* carnall knowledg of man, or lying w*** man, 
as with woman, cum penetratione corporis, was sodomie« to 
be punished with death ; what els can be understood by Levit : 
18. 22. & 20. 13. & Gen: 19. 5? 2^^ It seems allso y^ this 
foule sine might be capitall, though ther was not penitratio 
corporis, but only contactus & fricatio usg ad effusionem 
seminis, for these reasons : [245] 1 . Because it was sin to be 
punished with death, Levit. 20. 13. in y* man who was lyen 
withall, as well as in him y' lyeth with him; now his sin is 
not mitigated wher ther is not penitration, nor augmented 
wher it is ; wheras its charged upon y* women, y* they were 
guilty of this unnaturall sine, as well as men, Rom. 1. 26. 27. 
Y® same thing doth furder apieare, 2. because of y' proportion 
betwexte this sin & beastialitie, wherin if a woman did stand 
before, or aproach to, a beast, for y* end, to lye downe therto, 
(whether penetration was or not,) it was capitall, Levit: 18. 
23. & 20. 16. 3^^. Because something els might be equivalent 
to penetration wher it had not been, viz. y® fore mentioned 
acts with frequencie and long continuance with a high hand, 
utterly extinguishing all light of nature ; besids, full intention 
and bould attempting of y* foulest acts may seeme to have 
been capitall here, as well as coming presumptuously to slay 
with guile was capitall. Exod : 21. 14. 

Yet it is not so manyfest y' y* same acts were to be pun- 
ished with death in some other sines of uncleannes, w*^ yet 
by y* law of God were capitall crimes; besids other reasons, 

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made this sin capitall ; (2.) because it might be coiSited with 
more secrecie & less suspition, & therfore needed y* more to 
be restrained & suppresed by y' law ; (8'^) because ther was 
not y* like reason & degree of sining against family & pos- 
teritie in this sin as in some other capitall sines of uncleaones. 

2. Quest: How farr a magistrate may extracte a confession 
from a delinquente, to acuse him selfe of a capitall crime, 
seeing Nemo tenetur prodere seipsum. 

Ans: A majestrate cannot without sin neglecte diligente 
inquision into y* cause brought before him. Job 29. 16. 
Pro: 24. 11. 12. & 25. 2. (2'^.) If it be manifest y* a capitall 
crime is committed, & y* comone reporte, or probabilitie, 
suspition, or some complainte, (or y* like,) be of this or y' 
person, a magistrate ought to require, and by all due means 
to procure from y® person (so farr allready bewrayed) a naked 
confession of y* fact, as apears by y* which is morall & of 
perpetuall equitie, both in y" case of uncertaine murder, Deut : 
21. 1. 9 and slander, Deut: 22. 13. 21; for though nemo 
tenetur prodere seipsum, yet by that w** may be known to y* 
magistrat by y* forenamed means, he is bound thus to doe, 
or els he may betray his countne & people to y* heavie dis- 
pleasure of God, Levit: 18. 24. 25. Jos: 22. 18. Psa: 106. 
30 ; such as are inocente to y* sinfull, base, cruell lusts of 
y* profane, & such as are delinquents, and others with them, 
into y* hands of y* stronger temptations, & more bouldness, 
& hardnes of harte, to comite more & woi*se viliany, besids 
all y* guilt & hurt he will bring upon him selfe. (3'^.) To 
inflicte some punishmente meerly for this reason, to extracte 
a confiPession of a capitall crime, is contrary to y* nature of 
vindictive justice, which always hath respecte to a know crime 
comitited by y* person punished ; and it will therfore, for any 
thing which can before be knowne, be y' provocking and 
forcing of wrath, compared to y* wringing of y* nose. Pro : 
80. 83. which is as well forbiden y* fathers of y* countrie as 

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466 HISTORY OF [book II. 

of y* family, Ephe. 6. 4. as produsing many sad & dangerous 
effects. That an oath (ex officio) for such a purpose is no 
due means, hath been abundantly proved by y* godly learned, 
& is well known. 

Q. 3. In what cases of capitall crimes one witnes with 
other circomstances shall be sufficiente to convince? or is ther 
no conviction without 2. witneses? 

Ans: In taking away y* life of man, one witnes alone 

will not suffice, ther must be tow, or y' which is instar; 

y texts are manifest, Numb: 35. 30. Deut: 17. 6. & 19. 15. 

2^^. Ther may be conviction by one witnes, & some thing 

y' hath y* force of another, as y* evidencie of y* fact done 

by such an one, & not an other; unforced confession when 

ther was no fear or danger of suffering for y* fact, hand 

writings acknowledged & confessed. 

John Retnor. 

[246] * if'. PartHch his writing^ in ans: to y questions. 
What is y* sodomiticall acte which is to be punished with 

Though I conceive probable y* a voluntary effusion of seed 
per modum concubitus of man with man, as of a man with 
woman, though in concubitu ther be not penetratio corporis, 
is y' sin which is forbiden, Levit: 18. 22. & adjudged to be 
punished with death, Levit: 20. 18. because, though ther be 
not penetratio corporis, yet ther may be similitudo concubitus 
muliebris, which is y* the law specifieth ; yet I dar not be 
con-* (1.) because. Gen: 19. 5. y* intended acte of y* Sodo- 
mits (who were y* first noted maisters of this unnaturall act 
of more then brutish filthines) is expressed by carnall copu- 

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ceedings of y* jadges in England, y^ indict: so rune (as 
I have been informed). 

Q. How farr may a magistral extracte a confession of 
a capitall crime from a suspected and an accused person? 

Ans. I conceive y' a magistrate is bound, by carfuU ex- 
amenation of circomstances & waighing of probabilities, to 
sifte y* accused, and by force of argumente to draw him 
to an acknowledgment of y* truth; but he may not extracte 
a confession of a capitall cnme from a suspected person by 
any violent means, whether it be by an oath imposed, or 
by any punishmente inflicted or threatened to be inflicted, 
for so he may draw forth an acknowledgmente of a crime 
from a fearfull inocente ; if guilty, he shall be compelled to 
be his owne accuser, when no other can, which is against 
y* rule of justice. 

Q. In what cases of capitall crimes one witnes with other 
circomstances shall be sufficente to convicte ; or' is ther no 
conviction without two witnesses? 

Ans : I conceive yS in y* case of capitall crimes, ther can 
be no safe proceedings unto judgmente without too witnesses, 
as Numb: 35. 30. Deut: 19. 15. excepte ther can some evi- 
dence be prodused as aveilable & firme to prove y* facte as 
a witnes is, then one witnes may suffice ; for therin y* end 
and equitie of y* law is attained. But to proceede unto 
sentence of death upon presumptions, wher probably ther 
may subesse falsum, though ther be y* testimony of one 
wittnes, I supose it cannot be a safe way ; better for such a 
one to be held in safe custodie for further triall, I conceive. 

Ralph Partrich. 

The Answer of M". Charles Chanq/, 

An contactus et fricatio usg ad seminis effusidem sine 
penetratione corporis sit sodomia morte plectenda? 

Q. The question is what sodomiticall acts are to be pun- 

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ished w"* death, & what very facte comitted, (ipso facto,) 
is worthy of death, or if y* facte it selfe be not capital!, 
what circomstances concuring may make it capitall. The 
same question may be asked of rape, inceste, beastialitie, 
unnatarall sins, presumtuous sins. These be y* words of y* 
first question. 

Ans : The answer unto this I will lay downe (as God 
shall directe by his word & spirite) in these following con- 
clusions: (1.) That y* judicials of Moyses, that are appen- 
dances to y* morall law, & grounded on y* law of nature, 
or y* decalogue, are imutable, and ppetuall, w*** all orthodox 
devines acknowledge; see y* authors following. Luther, 
Tom. 1. Whitenbei^e: fol. 435. & fol. 7. Melancthon, 
in loc: com loco de conjugio. Calvin, 1. 4. Institu. c. 4. 
sect. 15. Junious de politia Moysis, thes. 29. & 30. Hen: 
Bulin: Decad. 3. sermo. 8. Wolf: Muscu. loc: com: in 6. 
precepti explicaci : Bucer de regno Christ!, 1. 2. c. 17. 
Theo: Beza, vol: 1. de hereti : puniendis, fol. 154. Zanch: 
in 3. prfficept: Ursin : Pt. 4. explicat. contra John. Piscat: 
in Aphorismi Loc. de lege dei aphorism. 17. And more 
might be added. I forbear, for brevities sake, to set downe 
their very words ; this being y* constante & generall oppinion 
of y® best devines, I will rest in this as undoubtedly true, 
though much more might be said to confirme it. 

2. That all y* sines mentioned in y" question were pun- 
ished with death by y* judiciall law of Moyses, as adultry, 
Levit: 20. 10. Dent: 22. 22. Esech : 16. 38. Jhon. 8. 5. 
which is to be understood not only of double adultrie, when 
as both parties are maried, (as some conceive,) but who- 

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mans parte ; for y* Lord in this law hath respect as well to 
pablick honesty, (the sin befng so prejudicall to y* church 
& state,) as y* private wrongs (saith Junious). So incest 
is to be punished with death, Levit: 20. 11. 22. Beastiality 
likwise, Lev : 20. 15. Exod : 22. 19. Raps in like maner, 
Deut: 22. 25. Sodomie in like sort, Levit: 18. 22. & 20. 
13. And all presumptuous sins, Numb: 15. 30. 31. 

3. That y* punishmente of these foule sines w*** death is 
grounded on y* law of nature, & is agreeable to the morail 
law. (1.) Because y* reasons anexed shew them to be per- 
petuall. Deut. 22. 22. So shalt thou put away evill. Incest, 
beastiality, are caled confusion, & wickednes. (2.) Infamie 
to y* whole humane nature, Levit: 22. 12. Levit: 18. 23. 
Raps are as murder, Deut: 22. 25. Sodomie is an abomi- 
nation, Levit: 22. 22. [247] No holier & juster laws can 
be devised by any man or angele then have been by y* 
Judg of all y* world, the wisdome of y* Father, by whom 
kings doe raigne, &c. (3.) Because, before y* giving of y* 
Law, this punishmente was anciently practised, Gen: 26. 11. 
38. 29. 39. 20. & even by the heathen, by y* very light of 
nature, as P. Martire shews. (4*^.) Because y land is de- 
filed by such sins, and spews out y* inhabitants, Levit: 18. 
24, 25. & that in regaixl of those nations y* were not ac- 
quainted w*** the law of Moyses. 5. All y® devins above 
specified consent in this, that y* unclean acts punishable 
with death by y® law of God are not only y* grose acts of 
uncleannes by way of camall copulation, but all y* evidente 
attempts therof, which may appeare by those severall words 
y' are used by y* spirite of God, expressing y* sins to be 
punished with death ; as y* discovering of nakednes, Levit : 
18. 20. which is retegere pudenda, as parts p' euphemismum 
(saith Junius), or detegere ad cubandum (saith Willett), to 
uncover y* shamefull parts of y* body (saith Ainsworth), 
which, though it reaches to y* grose acts, yet it is plaine it 

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470 HISTORY or [book n. 

doth comprehend y* other foregoing immodest attempts, as 
contactam, fricationem, &c. ; liWise y* phrase of lying with, 
so often used, doth not only signifie camall copulation, but 
other obscene acts, ^ceding y* same, is implyed in Pauls 
word dp6evoHo?raiy \, Cor: 6. 9. & men lying with men, 
1. Tim: 1. 9. men defiling them selves w"" mankind, men 
burning with lust towards men, Rom: 1. 26. & Levit: 18.* 22. 
sodom) & sin going after strange flesh, Jud: v. 7. 8. and 
lying with mankind as with a woman, Levit: 18. 22. Abu- 
lentis says y' it signifies omnes modos quibus masculus mas- 
culo abutatur, changing y* naturall use into y' which is against 
nature, Rom: 1. 26. arrogare sibi cubare, as Junius well 
translats Levit: 20. 15. to give consente to lye withall, so 
approaching to a beast, & lying downe therto, Levit: 20. 16. 
ob solum conatuf (saith Willett) or for going about to doe 
it Add to this a notable speech of Zepperus de legibus 
(who hath enough to end controversies of this nature). 
L. 1. he saith: In crimine adulterii voluntas (understand- 
ing manifeste) sine effectu subsecuto de jure attenditur; 
and he proves it out of good laws, in these words : Solici- 
tatores % alienum nuptiam item^ matrimonlum interpellatores, 
etsi eflfectu sceleris potiri non possunt, propter voluntatem 
tamen perniciosse libidinis extra ordinem puniuntnr; nam 
generale est quidem affectu sine effectu [non] puniri, sed 
contrarium observatur in atrocioribus & horum similibus. 

5. In concluding punishments from y® judiciall law of 
Moyses y* is perpetuall, we must often p'ceed by analogicall 
proportion &, interpretation, as a paribus similibus, minore 
ad majus, &c. ; for ther will still fall out some cases, in 
every comone- wealth, which are not in so many words ex- 
tante in holy write, yet y* substance of y* matter in every 
kind (I conceive under correction) may be drawne and oon- 

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lent nature; as, for example, ther is no express law against 
destroying conception in y* wombe by potions, yet by anologie 
with Exod: 21. 22, 23. we may reason y* life is to be given 
for life. Againe, y* question, An contactus & fricatio, &c., 
and methinks y^ place Gen : 38. 9. in y* punishmeute of 
Onans sin, may give some cleare light to it; it was (saith 
Parens) beluina crudelitas quam Deus pari loco cum pam- 
cidio habuit, nam semen corrumpere, quid fuit aliud quam 
hominem ex semine generandum occidere? Propterea juste 
a Deo occisus est. Obsei*ve his words. And againe, Disca- 
mus quantopere Deus abominetur omnem seminis genitalis 
abusum, iUicita eflfusionem, & corruptione, &c., very perti- 
nente to this case. That allso is considerable, Deut: 25. 
11, 12. God comanded yS if any wife drue nigh to deliver 
her husband out of y* hand of him y' smiteth him, &c., her 
hand should be cutt off. Yet such a woman in y' case might 
say much for her selfe, y* what she did was in trouble <& 
perplexitie of her minde, & in her husbands defence; yet 
her hand must be cutt of for such impuritie (and this is 
morall, as I conceive). Then we may reason from y® less 
to y* greater, what greevous sin in y* sight of God it is, 
by y* instigation of burning lusts, set on fii*e of hell, to 
proceede to contactum & fricationem ad emissionem seminis, 
&c., & y* contra naturam, or to attempte y® grosse acts of 
unnatural! fiithines. Againe, if y* unnatural! lusts of men 
with men, or woman with woman, or either with beasts, be 
to be punished with death, then a pari natural! lusts of men 
towards children under age are so to be punished. 

6. Circumstantiae variant vis e actiunes, (saith y* lawiers,) 
& circomstances in these cases cannot possibly be all recked 
up; but God hath given laws for those causes & cases that 
are of greatest momente, by which others are to be judged 
of, as in y* differance betwixte chanc medley, & willfull 
murder; so in y* sins of uncleannes, it is one thing to doe 

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472 HISTORY OP [book n. 

an acte of ancleannes by sadden temptation, & another to 
lye in waite for it, yea, to make a comune practise of it; 
this mightily augments & multiplies y* sin. Againe, some 
sines of this nature are simple, others compound, as y* is 
simple adultrie, or inceste, or simple sodomie ; but when 
ther is a mixture of diverce kinds of lust, as when adultery 
& sodomie & p'ditio seminis goe togeather in y* same acte 
of uncleannes, this is capitall, double, & trible. Againe, 
when adultrie or sodomie is comited by pfessors or church 
members, I fear it coms too near y* sine of y* preists daugh- 
ters, forbidden, <& comanded to be punished, Levit: 21. 9. 
besids y* presumption of y* sines of such. Againe, when 
uncleannes is comited with those whose chastity they are 
bound to i^serve, this coms very nere the incestious copula- 
tion, I feare; but I must hasten to y* other questions. 

[248] 2. Question y* second, upon y* pointe of exami- 
nation, how farr a magistrate may extracte a confession 
from a delinquente to accuse him selfe in a capitall crime, 
seeing Nemo tenetur prodere seipsum. 

Ans: The words of y* question may be understood of 
extracting a confession from a delinquente either by oath or 
bodily tormente. If it be mente of extracting by requiring 
an oath, (ex officio, as some call it,) & that in capitall 
crimes, I fear it is not safe, nor warented by Gods word, 
to extracte a confession from a delinquente by an oath in 
matters of life and death. (1.) Because y" practise in y* 
Scripturs is other wise, as in y* case of Achan, Jos: 7. 19. 
Give, I pray y% glorie to y* Lord God of Israll, and make 
a confession to him, & tell me how thou hast done. He 
did not compell him to sweare. So when as Johnathans life 
was indangered, 1. Sam. 14. 48. Saule said unto Johnathau, 
Tell me what thou hast done ; he did not require an oath. 

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from me; & Jeremiah said, If I declare it unto y*, wilt 
thou not surely put me to death? impling y', in case of 
death, he would have refused to answer him. (2.) Reason 
shews it, & experience ; Job : 2. 4. Skin for skin, &c. It 
is to be feared y* those words (whatsoever a man hath) will 
comprehend also y* conscience of an oath, and y* fear of 
God, and all care of religion; therfore for laying a snare 
before y* guiltie, I think it ought not to be donn. But 
now, if y* question be mente of inflicting bodyly torments 
to extracte a confession from a mallefactor, I conceive y^ 
in maters of higest consequence, such as doe conceirne 
y* saftie or ruine of stats or countries, magistrats may 
proceede so farr to bodily torments, as racks, hote-irons, 
<&c., to extracte a conffession, espetially wher presumptions 
are strounge ; but otherwise by no means. God sometims 
bids a sinner till his wicked nes is filled up. 

Question 8. In what cases of capitall crimes, one witnes 
with other circumstances shall be suflScente to convicte, or 
is ther no conviction without 2. witneses? 

Deut: 19. 25. God hath given an express rule y' in no 
case one witness shall arise in judgmente, espetially not in 
capitall cases. God would not put our lives into y* power 
of any one toungue. Besids, by y* examination of more 
wittneses agreeing or disagreeing, any falshood ordenarilly 
may be discovered; but this is to be understood of one 
witnes of another; but if a man witnes against him selfe, 
his owne testimony is suflScente, as in y* case of y* Amala- 
kite, 2. Sam: 1. 16. Againe, when ther are sure & certaine 
signes & evidences by circumstances, ther needs no witnes 
in this case, as in y' bussines of Adoniah desiring Abishage 
y« Shunaraite to wife, that therby he might make way for 
him selfe unto y* kingdome, 1. King- 2. 23, 24. Againe, 

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474 HISTORY OF [book H. 

way gathered, me thinks, from Sallomons judging betweexte 
y* true mother, and y* harlote, 1. King. 3. 25. Lastly, I 
see no cause why in waighty matters, in defecte of witneses 
& other proofes, we may not have recourse to a lott, as in 
y* case of Achan, Josu: 7. 16. which is a clearer way in 
such doubtfull cases (it being solemnely & religiously per- 
formed) then any other that I know, if it be made y* last 
refuge. But all this under correction. 

The Lord in mercie directe & prosper y* desires of his 
servants that desire to walk before him in truth & right- 
eousnes in the administration of justice, and give them wis- 

dome and largnes of harte. 

Charles Channct. 

Besids y* occation before mentioned in these writ- 
ings concerning the abuse of those 2. children, they 
had aboute y^ same time a case of buggerie fell out 
amongst them, which occasioned these questions, to 
which these answers have been made. 

And after y* time of y® writig of these things 
befell a very sadd accidente of the like foule nature 
in this govermente, this very year, which I shall 
now relate. Ther was a youth whose name was 
Thomas Granger; he was servant to an honest man 
of Duxbery, being aboute 16. or 17. years of age. 
(His father & mother lived at the same time at 
Sityate.) He was this year detected of buggery (and 
indicted for y^ same) with a mare, a cowe, tow goats, 
five sheep, 2. calves, and a turkey. Horrible [249] 
it is to mention, but y® truth of y* historic requires 
it. He was first discovered by one y* accidentally 

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saw his lewd practise towards the mare. (I forbear 
perticulers.) Being upon it examined and oomitted, 
in J* end he not only confest y* fact with that beast 
at that time, but sundrie times before, and at sev- 
erall times with all y* rest of y* forenamed in his 
indictmente; and this his free-confession was not only 
in private to y* magistrats, (though at first he strived 
to deney it,) but to sundrie, both ministers & others, 
and afterwards, upon his indictmente, to y® whole 
court & jury ; and confirmed it at his execution. 
And wheras some of y* sheep could not so well be 
knowne by his description of them, others with them 
were brought before him, and he declared which were 
they, and which were not. And accordingly he was 
cast by y* jury, and condemned, and after executed 
about y* 8. of Sept', 1642. A very sade spectakle 
it was; for first the mare, and then y® cowe, and 
y* rest of y® lesser catle, were kild before his face, 
according to y* law, Levit: 20. 15. and then he him 
eelfe was executed. The catle were all cast into a 
great & large pitte that was digged of purposs for 
them, and no use made of any part of them. 

Upon y* examenation of this person, and also of a 
former that had made some sodomiticall attempts upon 
another, it being demanded of them how they came 

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476 msTOBY OP [book ii. 

by an other that had heard of such things from some 
in England when he was ther, and they kept catle 
togeather. By which it appears how one wicked per- 
son may infecte many; and what care all ought to 
have what servants they bring into their families. 

But it may be demanded how came it to pass that 
so many wicked persons and profane people should 
so quickly come over into this land, & mixe them 
selves amongst them? seeing it was religious men y' 
begane y® work, and they came for religions sake. 
I confess this may be marveilled at, at least in time 
to come, when the reasons therof should not be 
knowne ; and y* more because here was so many 
hardships and wants mett withall. I shall therfore 
indeavor to give some answer hereunto. And first, 
according to y* in y®- gospell, it is ever to be remem- 
bred that wher y* Lord begins to sow good seed, 
ther y* envious man will endeavore to sow tares. 
2. Men being to come over into a wildemes, in 
which much labour & servise was to be done aboute 
building & planting, &c., such as wanted help in y' 
respecte, when they could not have such as y*^ would, 
were glad to take such as they could; and so, many 
untoward servants, sundry of them proved, that were 

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ing so many godly disposed persons willing to come 
into these parts, some begane to make a trade of it, 
to transeport passengers & their goods, and hired 
ships for that end; and then, to make up their 
fraight and advance their profite, cared not who y* 
persons were, so they had money to pay them. And 
by this means the cuntrie became pestered with many 
unworthy persons, who, being come over, crept into 
one place or other. 4. Againe, the Lords blesing 
usually following his people, as well in outward as 
spirituall things, (though afflictions be mixed with- 
all,) doe make many to adhear to y* people of 
God, as many followed Christ, for y* loaves sake, 
lohn 6. 26. and a mixed multitud came into y* 
willdemes with y* people of Grod out of Eagipte 
of old, Exod. 12. 38 ; so allso ther were sente by 
their freinds some under hope y* they would be made 
better; others that they might be eased of such bur- 
thens, and they kept from shame at home y' would 
necessarily follow their dissolute courses. And thus, 
by one means or other, in 20. years time, it is a 
question whether y® greater part be not growne y* 

[250] I am now come to y*' conclusion of that long 
& tedious bussines betweene y® partners hear, & them 

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478 HISTORY OF [book II. 

Jf*. Sherleys to 3P. Attwood. 
M'. Attwood, my approved loving freind : Your letter of y' 
18. of October last I have received, wherin I find you have 
taken a great deall of paines and care aboute y* trouble- 
Bome bussines betwixte our Plimoth partners & freinds, & 
us hear, and have deeply ingaged your selfe, for which 
complements & words are no reall satisfaction, &c. For 
y* agreemente you have made with M'. Bradford, M'. Wins- 
low, & y' rest of y* partners ther, considering how honestly 
and justly I am perswaded they have brought in an accounte 
of y* remaining stock, for my owne parte I am well satis- 
fied, and so I thinke is M'. Andrewes, and I supose will 
be M'. Beachampe, if most of it might acrew to him, to 
whom y*' least is due, &c. And now for peace sake, and 
to conclud as we began, lovingly and freindly, and to pass 
by all failings of all, the conclude is accepted of; I say this 
agreemente y' you have made is condesended unto, and M'. 
Andrews hath sent his release to M^ Winthrop, with such 
directions as he conceives fitt; and I have made bould to 
trouble you with mine, and we have both sealed in y* pres- 
ence of M'. Weld, and M'. Peeters, and some others, and 
I have also sente you an other, for the partners ther, 
to scale to me ; for you must not deliver mine to them, 
excepte they scale <& deliver one to me; this is fitt and 
equall, &c. 

Yours to comand in what I may or can, 

Jambs Sherlbt. 
June 14. 1642. 

His to y* partners as foUotveth, 
Loving freinds. 

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& conclude of y* tedious & troublsoroe bussines, & I thinke 
I may truly say uncomfurtable & unprofitable to all, &c. It 
hath pleased God now to put us upon a way to sease all suits, 
and disquieting of our spirites, and to conclude with peace 
and love, as we began. I am contented to yeeld & make 
good what M'. Attwood and you have agreed upon ; and for 
y' end have sente to my loving freind, M'. Attwood, an abso- 
lute and generall release unto you all, and if ther wante any 
thing to make it more full, write it your selves, & it shall be 
done, provided y' all you, either joyntly or severally, scale 
y* like discharge to me. And for y^end I have drawne one 
joyntly, and sent it to M'. Attwood, with y* I have sealed to 
you. M^ Andrews hath sealed an aquitance also, & sent 
it to M'. Winthrop, whith such directions as he conceived 
fitt, and, as I hear, hath given his debte, which he maks 54^. 
unto y* gentlemen of y' Bay. Indeed, M'. Welld, M'. Peters, 
& M^ Hibbens have taken a great deale of paines with Mr. 
Andrews, M^. Beachamp, & my selfe, to bring us to agree, 
and to y* end we have had many meetings and spent much 
time aboute it. But as they are very religious & honest 
gentle-men, yet they had an end y* they drove at & laboured 
to accomplish (I meane not any private end, but for y* gen- 
erall good of their patente). It had been very well you had 
sent one over. M'. Andrew wished you might have one 3. 
parte of y* 1200**. & y* Bay 2. thirds; but then we 3. must 
have agreed togeather, which were a hard mater now. But 
M'. Weld, M'. Petei-8, & M'. Hibbens, & I, have agreed, they 
giving you bond (so to compose with M'. Beachamp, as) to 
procure his generall release, & free you from all trouble & 
charge y' he may put you too ; which indeed is nothing, for 
I am perswaded M'. Weld will in time gaine him to give them 
all that is dew' to [251] him, which in some sorte is granted 
allready ; for though his demands be great, yet M'. Andrewes 
hath taken some paines in it, and makes it appear to be less 
then I thinke he will consente to give them for so good an 

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480 HISTORY OF [book H. 

use ; so you ueede not fear, that for taking bond ther to save 
you harmles, you be safe and well. Now our accord is, y* 
you must pay to y* gentle-men of y* Bay 900**. ; they are to 
bear all chargs y* may any way arise concerning y* free 
& absolute clearing of you from us three. And you to have 
y* other 300". &c. 

Upon y* receiving of my release from you, I will send you 
your bonds for y* purchass money. I would have sent them 
now, but I would have M'. Beachamp release as well as I, be- 
cause you are bound to him in them. Now I know if a man 
be bound to 12. men, if one release, it is as if all released, 
and my discharge doth cutt them of ; wherfore doubte you not 
but you shall have them, & your coinission, or any thing els 
that is fitt. Now you know ther is tow years of y' purchass 
money, that I would not owne, for I have formerley certified 
you y* I would but pay 7. years ; but now you are discharged 
of all, &c. 

Your loving and kind friend in what I may or can, 

James Sherlet. 
June 14. 1642. 

The coppy of his release is as followeth. 

Wheras diverce questions, differences, & demands have 
arisen & depended betweene William Bradford, Edward Wins- 
low, Thomas Prence, Mylest Standish, William Brewster, John 
Allden, and John Rowland, gent : now or latly inhabitants or 
resident at New-Plimoth, in New-England, on y* one party, 
and James Sherley of London, marchante, and others, in th' 
other parte, for & concerning a stocke & partable trade of 
beaver & other comodities, and fraiffhtine of ships, as y* 

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trade, either hear in Old-England or ther in New-England or 
elsewher, all which differences are since by mediation of 
freinds composed, compremissed, and all y*' said parties 
agreed. Now know all men by these presents, that I, the 
said James Sherley, in performance of y^ said compremise & 
agreemente, have remised, released, and quite claimed, & doe 
by these presents remise, release, and for me, myne heires, 
executoi-s, & Administrators, and for every of us, for ever 
quite claime unto y* said William Bradford, Edward Winslow, 
Thomas Prence, Myles Standish, William Brewster, John 
Allden, & John Rowland, and every of them, their & every 
of their heires, executors, and administrators, all and all 
maner of actions, suits, debts, accounts, rekonings, comissions, 
bonds, bills, specialties, judgments, executions, claimes, chal- 
linges, differences, and demands whatsoever, with or against 
y' said William Bradford, Edwai*d Winslow, Thomas Prence, 
Myles Standish, William Brewster, John Allden, and John 
Rowland, or any of them, ever I had, now have, or in time 
to come can, shall, or may have, for any mater, cause, or 
thing whatsoever from y* begining of y* world untill y® day 
of y* date of these presents. In witnes wherof I have here- 
unto put ray hand & scale, given y' second day of June, 1642, 
and in y* eighteenth year of y* raigne of our soveraigne lord, 
king Charles, &c. 

Jambs Sherlet. 
Sealed and delivered 
in y* presence of Thomas Weld, 

Hugh Peters, 

William Hibbins. 

Arthur Tirrey, Scr. 

Tho: Sturos, his servante. 

ITr Aw^j» l-i- <k. 1 A.^ ..a _/s»_^^^. -» 

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482 HISTORY OP [book ir. 

he gave to them in y® Bay, who brought his discharge 
and demanded y* money. And they tooke in his re- 
lease and paid y^ money according to agreem^te, viz. 
one third of the 500**. they paid downo in hand, and 
y* rest in 4. equall payments, to be paid yearly, 
for which they gave their bonds. And wheras 44**. 
was more demanded, they conceived they could take 
it of with M^ Andrews, and therfore it was not in the 
bonde. [252] But M'. Beachamp would not parte with 
any of his, but demanded 400**. of y* partners here, & 
sent a release to a friend, to deliver it to them upon 
y* receite of y® money. But his relese was not per- 
fecte, for he had left out some of y® partners names, 
with some other defects; and besids, the other gave 
them to understand he had not near so much due. So 
no end was made with him till 4. years after; of which 
in it plase. And in y' regard, that them selves did not 
agree, I shall inserte some part of M^ Andrews letter, 
by which he conceives y^ partners here were wronged, 
as foUoweth. This leter of his was write to W, 
Edmond Freeman, brother in law to M^. Beachamp. 

M'. Freeman, 

My love remembred unto you, &c. I then certified y* part- 
ners how I found M'. Beachamp & M'. Sherley, in their per- 
ticuler demands, which was according to mens principles, of 
getting what they could ; allthough y* one will not shew any 

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cause to conceive, was, y' allthoagh I doe not, nor ever 
intended to, wrong y* partners or y* bussines, yet, if I gave 
no accounte, I might be esteemed as guiltie as they, in some 
degree at least; and they might seeme to be y" more free 
from taxation in not delivering their accounts, who have both 
of them charged y* accounte with much inti-est they have 
payed forth, and one of them would likwise for much intrest 
he hath not paid forth, as appeareth by his accounte, &c. 
And seeing y* partners have now made it appear y* ther is 
1200". remaining due between us all, and that it may appear 
by my accounte I have not charged y* bussines with any in- 
trest, but doe forgive it unto y' partners, above 200**. if M\ 
Sherley & M'. Beachamp, who have betweene them wronged 
y* bussines so many 100". both in principall & intrest likwise, 
and have therin wronged me as well and as much as any of 
y* partners ; yet if they will not make & deliver faire & true 
accounts of y* same, nor be contente to take what by com- 
putation is more then can be justly due to either, that is, to 
M^ Beachamp 150**. as by M^ Allertons accounte, and M'. 
Sherleys accounte, on oath in chancerie ; and though ther 
might be nothing due to M^. Sherley, yet he requii-s 100". 
&c. I conceive, seing y* partners have delivered on their 
oaths y* sume remaining in their bands, that they may justly 
detaine y* 650**. which may remaine in their hands, after I am 
satisfied, untill M^ Sherley & W. Beachamp will be more fair 
Sc just in their ending, <&c. And as I intend, if y® partners 
fayrly end with me, in satisfing in parte and ingaging them 
selv^es for y* rest of my said 544**. to returne back for y® poore 
my parte of y* land at Sityate, so likwise I intend to re- 
linquish my right & intrest in their dear patente, on which 
much of our money was laid forth, and also my right & 
intrest in their cheap purchass, the which mav have cost me 

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484 HISTORY OF [book n. 

charged or taken on accounte what they have disbursed in y* 
like case, which I have not charged, neither did I conceive 
any other durst so doe, untill I saw y* accounte of the one 
and heard y* words of y* other ; the which gives me just cause 
to suspecte both their accounts to be unfaire; for it seemeth 
they consulted one with another aboute some perticulers 
therin. Therfore I conceive y* partners ought y* rather to 
require just accounts from each of them before they parte 
with any money to either of them. For marchants understand 
how to give an acounte ; if they mean fairley, they will not 
deney to give an accounte, for they keep memorialls to helpe 
them to give exacte acounts in all perticulers, and memoriall 
cannot forget his charge, if y* man will remember. I desire 
not to wrong M'. Beachamp or M'. Sherley, nor may be 
silente in such apparente probabilities of their wronging y* 
partners, and me likwise, either in deneying to deliver or shew 
any accounte, or in delivering one very unjuste in some per- 
ticulers, and very suspitious in many more; either of which, 
being from understanding marchants, cannot be from weaknes 
or simplisitie, and therfore y* more unfaire. So comending 
you & yours, and all y* Lord's people, unto y* gratious pro- 
tection and blessing of y* Lord, and rest your loving friend, 

Richard Andrewes. 
Aprill 7. 1643. 

This leter was write y* year after y® agreement, as 
doth appear; and what his judgmente was herein, y* 
contents doth manifest, and so I leave it to y** eqaall 
judgmente of any to consider, as they see cause. 

Only I shall adde what M^ Sherley furder write in 
a leter of his, about y® same time, and so leave this 

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[263] Loving freinds, M'. Bradford, M'. Winslow, Cap: 
Standisb, M'. Prence, and y* rest of y* partners w*** you; I 
shall write this generall leter to you all, hoping it will be 
a good conclade of a generall, but a costly & tedious bussines 
I thinke to all, I am sure to me, &c. 

I received from M'. Winslow a letter of y* 28. of Sept : last, 
and so much as concernes y* generall bussines I shall answer 
in this, not knowing whether I shall have opportunitie to 
write perticuler letters, &c. I expected more letters from you 
all, as some perticuler writs,* but it seemeth no fitt oppor- 
tunity was offered. And now, though y* bussines for y* 
maine may stand, yet some perticulers is alltered; I say my 
former agreemente with M'. Weld & M'. Peters, before they f 
could conclude or gett any grante of M^ Andrews, they 
sought to have my release; and ther upon they sealed me it 
bond for a 110**. So I sente my acquittance, for they said 
without mine ther would be no end made (& ther was good 
reason for it). Now they hoped, if y*^ ended with me, to 
gaine M'. Andrews parte, as they did holy, to a pound, (at 
which I should wonder, but y* I ob8er^^e some passages,) and 
they also hoped to have gotten M^ Beachamps part, & I did 
thinke he would have given it them. But if he did well 
understand him selfe, & that acounte, he would give it; for 
his demands make a great sound. { But it seemeth he would 
not parte with it, supposing it too great a sume, and y^ he 
might easily gaine it from you. Once he would have given 
them 40**. but now they say he will not doe that, or rather 
I suppose they will not take it; for if they doe, & have M'. 
Andrewses, then they must pay me their bond of 110**. 
8 months hence. Now it will fall out farr better for you, 
y* they deal not with M^ Beachamp, and also for me, if you 

• Perhaps write ^ for wrote. t T?ie in the manuscript. 

X This was a misterie to them, for they heard nothing hereof from any 
tide 7« last year, till now y conclution was past, and bonds given. 

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486 HISTORY OF [book II. 

be as kind to me as I have been & will be to you ; and y* 
thus, if you pay M'. Andrews, or y* Bay men, by his order, 
544**. which is his fall demande; but if looked into, perhaps 
might be less. The man is honest, & in my conscience would 
not wittingly doe wronge, yett he may forgett as well as other 
men; and M'. Winslow may call to minde wherin he for- 
getts; (but some times it is good to buy peace.) The gentle- 
men of y* Bay may abate 100**. and so both sids have more 
right & justice then if they exacte all, &c. Now if you send 
me a 150**. then say M^ Andrews full sume, & this, it is nere 
700**. M'. Beachamp he demands 400**. and we all know 
that, if a man demands money, he must shew wherfore, and 
make proof e of his debte ; which I know he can never make 
good proafe of one hunderd pound dew unto him as principall 
money ; so till he can, you have good reason to keep y* 
500**. &c. This I proteste I write not in malice against 
M'. Beachamp, for it is a reall truth. You may partly see it 
by M'. Andrews making up his accounte, and I think you 
are all perswaded I can say more then M'. Andrews con- 
cerning that accounte. I wish I could make up my owne as 
plaine & easily, but because of former discontents, I will 
be sparing till I be called ; & you may iujoye y* 500**. quietly 
till he begine ; for let him take his course hear or ther, it shall 
be all one, I will doe him no wronge ; and if he have not on 
peney more, he is less loser then either M'. Andrews or I. 
This I conceive to be just & honest ; y* having or not having 
of his release matters not; let him make such proafe of his 
debte as you cannot disprove, and according to your first 
agreemente you will pay it, &c. 

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^71710 Dom: 1643. 
I AM to begine this year whith that which was a 
mater of great saddnes and mouring unto them all. 
Aboute y® 18. of Aprill dyed their Reve** Elder, and 
my dear & loving friend, M'. William Brewster; a 
man that had done and suffered much for y*' Lord 
Jesus and y^ gospells sake, and had bore his parCe in 
well and woe with this poore persecuted church above 
36. years [254] in England, Holand, and in this 
wildemes, and done y* Lord & them faithful! service 
in his place & calling. And notwithstanding y® many 
troubls and sorrows he passed throw, the Lord upheld 
him to a great age. He was nere fourskore years 
of age (if not all out) when he dyed. He had this 
blesing added by y® Lord to all y® rest, to dye in his 
bed, in peace, amongst y® mids of his freinds, who 
mourned & wepte over him, and ministered what help 
& comforte they could unto him, and he againe re- 
comforted them whilst he could. His sicknes was not 
long, and till y® last day therof he did not wholy 
keepe his bed. BQs speech continued till somewhat 
more then halfe a day, & then failed him ; and aboute 
9. or 10. a clock that evTng he dyed, without any 
pangs at all. A few bowers before, he drew his 
breath shorte, and some few minuts before his last, 
he drew his breath long, as a man falen into a sound 
slepe, without any pangs or gaspings, and so sweetly 
departed this life unto a better. 

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488 HISTORY OP [book II. 

I would now demand of any, what he was y® worse 
for any former sufferings? What doe I say, worse? 
Nay, sure he was y' better, and they now added to 
his honour. It is a manifest token (saith y® Apostle, 
2. Thes: 1. 5, 6, 7.) of y* righeous judgmerUe of God 
y* ye may he counted loorthy of y* kingdoms of Gfod^ 
for which ye alho suffer; seing it is a righteous thing 
with Ghd to recompence tribulation to them if trouble 
you: and to you who are troubled^ rest with uSj when 
y* Lord Jesus shall be revealed from heaven^ with his 
mighty angels. 1. Pet. 4. 14. ^ you be reproached 
for y* name of Christy hapy are ye, for y* spirite 
of glory and of God resteth upon you. What though 
he wanted y* riches and pleasurs of y® world in this 
life, and pompous monuments at his funurall? yet y* 
memoriall of y® just shall be blessed, when y* name 
of y' wicked shall rott (with their marble monuments). 
Pro: 10. 7. 

I should say something of his life, if to say a litle 
were not worse then to be silent. But I cannot wholy 
forbear, though hapily more may be done hereafter. 
After he had attained some learning, viz. y® knowledg 
of y* Latine tongue, & some insight in y® Greeke, and 
snent some small time at Cambrido'e. and thftn hpincr 

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as he trusted him above all other that were aboute 
him, and only imployed him in all matters of greatest 
trust and secrecie. He esteemed him rather as a sonne 
then a servante, and for his wisdom & godlines (in 
private) he would converse with him more like a freind 
& familier then a maister. He attended his m^ when 
he was sente in ambassage by the Queene into y® Low- 
Countries, in y* Earle of Leicesters time, as for other 
waighty aifaires of state, so to receive possession of the 
cautionary townes, and in token & signe therof the 
keyes of Flushing being delivered to him, in her ma*'* 
name, he kepte them some time, and comitted them 
to this his servante, who kept them under his pilow, 
on which he slepte y* first night. And, at his retume, 
y* States honoured him with a gould chaine, and his 
maister comitted it to him, and comanded him to wear 
it when they arrived in England, as they ridd thorrow 
the country, till they came to y® Courte. He afterwards 
remained with him till his troubles, that he was put 
from his place aboute y** death of y^ Queene of Scots ; 
and some good time after, doeing him manie faithfiill 
offices of servise in y** time of his troubles. Afterwards 
he wente and lived in y® country, in good esteeme 
amongst his freinds and y® gentle-men of those parts, 
espetially the godly & religious. He did much good 
in y° countrie wher he lived, in promoting and further- 
ing religion, not only by his practiss & example, and 
provocking and incouraging of others, but by procuring 

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490 HISTORY OF [book II. 

of good preachers to y* places theraboute, and drawing 
on of others to assiste & help forward in such a worke ; 
he him selfe most comonly deepest in y** charge, & 
some times above his abillitie. And in this state he 
continued many years, doeing jr* best good he could, 
and walking according to y® light he saw, till y* Lord 
revelled ftirther unto him. And in y* end, by y® tir- 
rany of y* bishops against godly preachers & people, 
in silenceing the one & persecuting y® other, he and 
many more of those times begane to looke further into 
things, and to see into y® unlawfuUnes of their callings, 
and y® burthen of many anti-christian corruptions, which 
both he and they endeavored to cast of; as y*' allso 
did, as in y* begining of this treatis is to be scene. 
[255] After they were joyned togither in comunion, 
he was a spetiall stay & help unto them. They ordi- 
narily mett at his house on y® Lords day, (which was 
a manor of y* bishops,) and with great love he enter- 
tained them when they came, making provission for 
them to his great charge. He was y® cheefe of those 
that were taken at Boston, and suffered y* greatest 
loss ; and of y® seven that were kept longst in prison, 
and after bound over to y* assises. Afflber he came 
into Holland he suffered much hardship, after he had 

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laborious. But yet he ever bore his condition with 
much cherfullnes and contentation. Towards y* later 
parte of those 12. years spente in Holland, his outward 
condition was mended, and he lived well & plentifully; 
for he fell into a way (by reason he had y* Latine 
tongue) to teach many students, who had a disire 
to leme y* English tongue, to teach them English; 
and by his method they quickly attained it with great 
facilitie; for he drew rules to leme it by, after y* 
Latine maner; and many gentlemen, both Danes & 
Germans, resorted to him, as they had time from other 
studies, some of them being great mens sones. He 
also had means to set up printing, (by y® help of some 
freinds,) and so had imploymente inoughg, and by 
reason of many books which would not be alowed ' 
to be printed in England, they might have had more 
then they could doe. But now removeing into this 
countrie, all these things were laid aside againe, and 
a new course of living must be framed unto ; in which 
he was no way unwilling to take his parte, and to bear 
his burthen with y* rest, living many times without 
bread, or corne, many months together, having many 
times nothing but fish, and often wanting that also; 
and drunke nothing but water for many years togeather, 
yea, till within 5. or 6. years of his death. And yet 
he lived (by y* blessing of God) in health till very old 
age. And besids yS he would labour with his hands 
in y® feilds as long as he was able; yet when the 

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498 HISTORY OF [book n. 

church had no other minister, he taught twise every 
Saboth, and y* both powerfully and profitably, to y* 
great contentment of y^ hearers, and their comfortable 
edification ; yea, many were brought to God by his 
ministrie. He did more in this behalfe in a year, then 
many that have their hundreds a year doe in all their 
lives. For his personall abilities, he was qualified 
above many; he was wise and discreete and well 
spoken, having a grave & deliberate utterance, of a 
very cherfull spirite, very sociable & pleasante amongst 
his freinds, of an humble and modest mind, of a peace- 
able disposition,' under valiewing him self & his owne 
abilities, and some time over valewing others; inoffen- 
cive and inocente in his life & conversation, w^^ gained 
him y* love of those without, as well as those within; 
yet he would tell them plainely of their faults & evills, 
both publickly & privatly, but in such a maner as usu- 
ally was well taken from him. He was tender harted, 
and compassionate of such as were in miserie, but 
espetialy of such as had been of good estate and ranke, 
and were fallen unto want & poverty, either for good- 
nes & religions sake, or by y® injury & oppression 
of others ; he would say, of all men these deserved 
to be pitied most. And none did more offend & dis- 
please him then such as would hautily and proudly 
carry & lift up themselves, being rise from nothing, 
and haveing litle els in them to comend them but a few 
fine cloaths, or a litle riches more then others. In 

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teaching, he was very moving & stirring of affections, 
also very plaine & distincte in what he taught; by 
which means he became y^ more profitable to y* hearers. 
He had a singuler good gift in prayer, both publick 
& private, in ripping up y® hart & conscience before 
God, in y* humble confession of sinne, and begging y* 
mercies of God in Christ for y® pardon of y* same. 
He always thought it were better for ministers to pray 
oftener, and devide their prears, then be longe & t^ 
dious in y^ same (excepte upon .soUemne & spetiall 
occations, as in days of humiliation & y^ like). His 
reason was, that y® harte & spirits of all, espetialy 
y^ weake, could hardly continue & stand bente (as it 
were) so long towards God, as they ought to doe 
in y* duty, without flagging and falling of. For 
y® govermente of y* church, (which was most [256] 
proper to his oflSce,) he was carfull to preserve good 
order in y® same, and to preserve puritie, both in 
y* doctrine & comunion of y® same; and to supress 
any errour or contention that might begine to rise 
up amongst them; and accordingly God gave good 
success to his indeavors herein all his days, and he 
saw y^ fruite of his labours in that behalfe. But 
I must breake of, having only thus touched a few, 
as it were, heads of things. 

I cannot but here take occasion, not only to men- 
tion, but greatly to admire y* marvelous providence 
of God, that notwithstanding y^ many changes and 

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494 HistORY OF [book II. 

hardships that these people wente throwgh, and j* 
many enemies they had and difficulties they mette with 
all, that so many of them should live to very olde age ! 
It was not only this reve^ mans condition, (for one 
swallow maks no summer, as they say,) but many 
more of them did y* like, some dying aboute and 
before this time, and many still living, who attained 
to 60. years of age, and to 65. diverse to 70. and 
above, and some nere 80. as he did. It must needs 
be more then ordinarie, and above naturall reason, that 
so it should be; for it is found in experience, that 
chaing of aeir, famine, or unholsome foode, much drink- 
ing of water, sorrows & troubls, &c., all of them are 
enimies to health, causes of many diseaces, consumers 
of naturall vigoure and y^ bodys of men, and shortners 
of life. And yet of all these things they had a large 
parte, and suffered deeply in y* same. They wente 
from England to Holand, wher they found both worse 
air and dyet then that they came from; from thence 
(induring a long imprisonmente, as it were, in y® ships 
at sea) into New- England; and how it hath been with 
them hear hath allre^dy beene showne ; and what crosses, 
troubls, fe)ars, wants, and sorrowes they had been lyable 
unto, is easie to conjecture; so as in some sorte they 
may say with y* Apostle, 2. Cor: 11. 26, 27. they 
were in joumeyings often^ in perils of waters^ in perills 

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in perUU among false hreethern ; in wearines & painfull^ 
nes, in watching ofieuy in hunger and thirsty in fasting 
ofien^ in could and nakednes. What was it then that 
upheld them? It was Gods vissitation that preserved 
their spirits. Job 10. 12. Thou hast given me life 
and grace y and thy vissitation hath preserved my spirite. 
He that upheld y* Apostle upheld them. They were 
persecuted^ but not forsaken^ cast downe^ but perished 
not. 2. Cor: 4. 9. As unhnoweuj and yet knowen; 
as dying f and behold we live; as chastened^ and yett 
not kiled. 2. Cor: 6. 9. God, it seems, would have 
all men to behold and observe such mercies and works 
of his providence as these are towards his people, that 
they in like cj^ses might be incouraged to depend upon 
God in their trials, & also blese' his name when they 
see his goodnes towards others. Mah lives not by 
bread only, Deut: 8. 3. It is not by good & dainty 
fare, by peace, & rest, and harts ease, in injoying 
y** contentments and good things of this world only, 
that preserves health and prolongs life. God in such 
examples would have y® world see & behold that he 
can doe it without them; and if y® world viU shut 
ther eyes, and take no notice therof, yet he would 
have his people to see and consider it. Daniell could 
be better liking with pulse then others were with 
y® kings dainties. Jaacob, though he wente from one 
nation to another people, and passed thorow famine, 
fears, & many afflictions, yet he lived till old age, and 

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496 HISTORY OF [book H. 

dyed sweetly, & rested in y® Lord, as infinite others 
of Gods servants have done, and still shall doe, (through 
Gods goodnes,) notwithstanding all y^ malice of their 
enemies ; when y* branch of y* wicked shall he cut of 
before his day^ Job. 15. 32. and y* bloody and deceitfuU 
men shall not live out halfe their days. Psa: 55. 23. 

By reason of y* plottings of the Narigansets, (ever 
since y* Pequents warr,) the Indeans were drawne into 
a generall conspiracie against y® English in all parts, 
as was in part discovered y* yeare before; and now 
made more plaine and evidente by many discoveries 
and free-conffessions of sundrie Indeans (upon severall 
occasions) from diverse places, concuring in one; with 
such other concuring circomstances as gave them suffis- 
sently to understand the trueth therof, and to thinke 
of means how to prevente y* same, and secure them 
selves. Which made them enter into this more nere 
union & confederation following. 

[257] Articles of Conffederation betweene y* Plantations un- 
der -f Govennente of Massachusets, y* Plantations under 
y* Govennente of New-Plimoth, y' Plantations under y* 
Govermente of Conightecute, and y* Govermente of New- 
Haven, with y* Plantations in combination therwith. ^ 

Wheras we all came into these narts of America with one 

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coasts and rivers then was at first intended, so y^ we cannot, 
according to our desires, with conveniencie comunlcate in one 
govermente & jurisdiction ; and wheras we live encompassed 
with people of severall nations and Strang languages, which 
hereafter may prove injurious to us and our posteritie; and, 
for as much as y* natives have formerly coinitted sundrie inso- 
lencies and outrages upon severall plantations of y* English, 
and have of late combined them selves against us; and 
seeing, by reason of those distractions in England (which 
they have heard of) and by which they know we are hindered 
from y* humble way of seeking advice or reaping those com- 
fui-table fruits of protection which at other times we might 
well expecte ; we therfore doe conceive it our bounden duty, 
without delay, to enter into a presente consociation amongst 
our selves, for mutuall help & strength in all our future 
concernments. That as in nation and religion, so in other 
respects, we be & continue one, according to y* tenor and 
true meaning of the insuing articles. (1) Wherfore it is 
fully agreed and concluded by & betweene y* parties or 
jurisdictions' above named, and they joyntly & severally 
doe by these presents agree & conclude, that they all be 
and henceforth be called by y* name of The United Colonies 
of New-England. 

2. The said United CoUonies, for them selves & their pos- 
terities, doe joyntly & severally hereby enter into a firme 
& perpetuall league of frendship & amitie, for offence and 
defence, mutuall advice and succore upon all just occasions, 
both for preserving & propagating y® truth of y® Gospell, and 
for their owne mutuall saftie and well fare. 

3. It is further agreed that the plantations which at 
presente are or hereafter shall be setled with [in] y* limitea 
of y* Massachusets shall be for ever under y® Massachusets, 
and shall have peculier jurisdiction amonge them selves in all 
cases, as an intire body. And y^ Plimoth, Conightecutt, and 

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498 HISTORY OF [book TI. 

New-Haven shall each of them have like peculier jarisdition 
and govermente within their limites and in refference to y* 
plantations which allready are setled, or shall hereafter be 
erected, or shall setle within their limites, respectively; pro- 
vided y' no other jurisdition shall hei*eafter be taken in, as 
a distincte head or member of this confederation, nor shall 
any other plantation or jurisdiction in presente being, and 
not allready in combination or under y* jurisdiction of any 
of these confederats, be received by any of them ; nor shall 
any tow of y* confederats joyne in one jurisdiction, without 
consente of y* rest, which consete to be interpreted as is 
expresed in y* sixte article ensewing. 

4. It is by these conflPederats agreed, y' the charge of all 
just warrs, whether oflPencive or defencive, upon what parte 
or member of this confederation soever they fall, shall, both 
in men, provissions, and all other disbursmeuts, be borne by 
all y* parts of this confederation, in differente proportions, 
according to their differente abillities, in maner following: 
namely, y' the comissioners for each jurisdiction, from time 
to time, as ther shall be occasion, bring a true accounte and 
number of all their males in every plantation, or any way 
belonging too or under their severall jurisdictions, of what 
qualitie or condition soever they be, from 16. years old to 
60. being inhabitants ther; and y* according to y* differente 
numbers which from time to time shall be found in each 
jurisdiction upon a true & just accounte, the service of men 
and all charges of y* warr be borne by y* pole ; each juris- 
diction or plantation being left to their owne just course & 
custome of rating them selves and people according to their 
differente estates, with due respects to their qualities and 
exemptions amongst them selves, though the confederats take 
no notice of any such priviledg. And y* according to their 

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indeaours,) whether it be in lands, goods, or persons, shall be 
proportionably devided amonge y* said confederats. 

5. It is further agreed, that if these jurisdictions, or any 
plantation under or in combynacion with them, be invaded 
by any euemie whomsoever, upon notice & requeste of any 
3. [258] riiagistrats of y* jurisdiction so invaded, y* rest 
of y* confederats, without any further meeting or expostu- 
lation, shall forthwith send ayde to y* confederate in danger, 
but in differente proportion ; namely, y* Massachusets an 
hundred men sufficently armed & provided for such a service 
and journey, and each of y* rest forty five so armed & pro- 
vided, or any lesser number, if less be required according to 
this proportion. But if such confederate in danger may be 
supplyed by their nexte confederates, not exeeding y* number 
hereby agreed, they may crave help ther, and seeke no further 
for y* preseute; y* charge to be borne as in this article is 
exprest, and at y* returne to be victuled & suplyed with 
powder & shote for their jurney (if ther be need) by y' juris- 
diction which imployed or sent for them. But none of y* 
jurisdictions to exceede these numbers till, by a meeting 
of y* comissioners for this confederation, a greater aide 
appear nessessane. And this proportion to continue till upon 
knowlcge of greater numbers in each jurisdiction, which shall 
be brought to y* nexte meeting, some other proportion be 
ordered. But in such case of sending men for presente 
aide, whether before or after such order or alteration, it is 
agreed y* at y' meeting of y* comissioners for this confeder- 
ation, the cause of such warr or invasion be duly considered ; 
and if it appeare y* the falte lay in y* parties so invaded, 
y* then that jurisdiction or plantation make just satisfaction 
both to y* invaders whom they have injured, and beare all y* 
charges of y* warr them selves, without requiring any allow- 
ance from y' rest of y* confederats towards y* same. And 
further, y* if any jurisdiction see any danger of any invasion 

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500 HISTORY OF -[book U. 

approaching, and ther be time for a meeting, that in such 
a case 3. magistrats of y^ jurisdiction may sumone a meeting, 
at such conveniente place as them selves shall thinke meete, 
to consider & provid against y* threatened danger, provided 
when they are mett, they may remove to what place they 
please; only, whilst any of these foure confederats have but 
3 magistrats in their jurisdiction, their requeste, or sum- 
mons, from any 2. of them shall be accounted of equall 
force with y* 3. mentioned in both the clauses of this arti- 
cle, till ther be an increase of majestrats ther. 

6. It is also agreed yS for y* managing & concluding of 
all affairs propper, & concerning the whole confederation, 
tow comissionera shall be chosen by & out of each of these 
4. jurisdictions ; namly, 2. for y* Massachusets, 2. for Plim- 
oth, 2. for Conightecutt, and 2. for New-Haven, being all 
in church fellowship with us, which shall bring full power 
from their severall Generall Courts respectively to hear, ex- 
amene, waigh, and detirmine all affairs of warr, or peace, 
leagues, aids, charges, and numbers of men for warr, divis- 
sions of spoyles, & whatsoever is gotten by conquest ; re- 
ceiving of more confederats, or plantations into combination 
^th any of y* confederates, and all things of like nature, 
which are y* proper concomitants or consequences of such 
a confederation, for amitie, offence, & defence ; not inter- 
medling with y* govermente of any of y* jurisdictions, 
which by y* 3. article is preserved entirely to them selves. 
But if these 8. comissioners when they meete shall not all 
agree, yet it concluded that any 6. of the 8. agreeing 
shall have power to setle & determine y' bussines in ques- 

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eluded, then to be prosecuted by y* confederate, and all 
their members. It was further agreed that these 8. comis- 
sioners shall meete once every year, besids extraordinarie 
meetings, (according to the fifte article,) to consider, treate, 
& conclude of all affaires belonging to this confederation, 
which meeting shall ever be y* first Thursday in September. 
And y' the next meeting after the date of these presents, 
which shall be accounted y* second meeting, shall be at 
Boston in y* Massachusets, the 3. at HartfoM, the 4. at 
New-Haven, the 5. at Plimoth, and so in course succes- 
sively, if in y* meane time some midle place be not found 
out and agreed on, which may be comodious for all y* 

7. It is further agreed, y' at each meeting of these 8. 
comissioners, whether ordinane, or extraordinary, they all 
6. of them agreeing as before, may chuse a presidents out 
of them selves, whose office & work shall be to take care 
and directe for order, and a comly carrying on of all pro- 
ceedings in y* present meeting; but he shall be invested 
with no such power or respecte, as by which he shall hin- 
der y* propounding or progrese of any bussines, or any 
way cast y* scailes otherwise then in y* precedente article 
is agreed. 

[259] 8. It is also agreed, y' the comissioners for this 
confederation hereafter at their meetings, whether ordinary 
or extraordinarie, as they may have comission or oppor- 
tunitie, doe indeaover to frame and establish agreements 
& orders in generall cases of a civill nature, wherin all 
y* plantations are interessed, for y® preserving of peace 
amongst them selves, and preventing as much as may be 
all occasions of warr or differeoce with others; as aboute 

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502 HISTORY OF [book H. 

certificate; how all y* jurisdictions may carry towards y* 
Indeans, that they neither growe insolente, nor be injured 
without due satisfaction, least warr breake in upon the con- 
federats through such miscarriages. It is also agreed, y* 
if any servante rune away from his maister into another 
of these confederated jurisdictions, that in such case, upon 
y* certificate of one magistrate in y* jurisdiction out of 
which y* said servante fledd, or upon other due proof e, the 
said servante shall be delivered, either to his maister, or 
any other y* pursues & brings such certificate or proofe. 
And y' upon y* escape of any prisoner whatsoever, or fugi- 
tive for any criminall cause, whether breaking prison, or 
getting from y* officer, or otherwise escaping, upon y* cer- 
tificate of 2. magistrats of y* jurisdiction out of which y* 
escape is made, that he was a prisoner, or such an offender 
at y* time of y* escape, they magistrats, or sume of them of 
y' jurisdiction wher for y* presente the said prisoner or fugi- 
tive abideth. shall forthwith grante such a warrante as y* 
case will beare, for y* appr^ending of any such person, & 
y* delivering of him into y* hands of y* oflScer, or other 
person who pursues him. And if ther be help required, for 
y* safe returning of any such offender, then it shall be 
granted to him y' craves y* same, he paying the charges 

9. And for y* the justest warrs may be of dangerous 
consequence, espetially to y" smaler plantations in these 
United Collonies, it is agreed y' neither y* Massachusets, 
Plimoth, Conightecutt, nor New-Haven, nor any member of 
ftnv of them, shall at anv time hear after besrine. under- 

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without y* consente and agreemente of y* forementioned 8. 
oomissioners, or at y* least 6. of them, as in y^ sixt article 
is provided. And y* no charge be required of any of they 
confederats, in case of a defensive warr, till y^ said comis- 
sioners have mett, and approved y* justice of y* warr, and 
have agreed upon y* sume of money to be levied, which 
sume is then to be paid by the severall confederats in pro- 
portion according to y* fourth article. 

10. That in extraordinary occasions, when meetings are 
summoned by three magistrates of any jurisdiction, or 2. as 
in y* 5. article, if any of y* comissionera come not, due 
warning being given or sente, it is agreed y' 4. of the 
comissioners shall have power to directe a warr which can- 
not be delayed, and to send for due proportions of men out 
of each jurisdiction, as well as 6. might doe if all mett; 
but not less then 6. shall determine the justice of y* warr, 
or alow y* demands or bills of charges, or cause any levies 
to be made for y* same. 

11. It is further agreed, y* if any of y* confederats shall 
hereafter breake any of these presente articles, or be any 
other ways injurious to any one of y* other jurisdictions, 
such breach of agreemente or injurie shall be duly consid- 
ered and ordered by y* comissioners for y* other junsdic- 
tion ; that both peace and this presente confederation may 
be intirly preserved without violation. 

12. Lastly, this perpetuall confederation, and y* severall 
articles therof being read, and seriously considered, both by 
y* Generall Courte for y* Massachusets, and by y* comis- 
sioners for Plimoth, Conigtecute, & New-Haven, were fully 
alowed & confirmed by 3. of y^ forenamed confederats, 
namly, y* Massachusets, Conightecutt, and New-Haven ; 
only y* comissioners for Plimoth haveing no comission to 
conclude, desired respite till they might advise with their 
Generall Courte; wher upon it was agreed and concluded 

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504 HISTORY OF [book II. 

by y' said Coarte of y' Massachusets, and the comissioners 
for y* other tow confederats, that, if Plimoth consente, then 
the whole treaty as it stands in these present articls is, and 
shall continue, firme & stable without alteration. But if 
Plimoth come not in, yet y* other three confederats doe by 
these presents [260] confeirme y* whole confederation, and 
y* articles therof ; only in September nexte, when y* second 
meeting of y* coinissioners is to be at Boston, new consid- 
eration may be taken of y* 6. article, which concerns num- 
ber of comissioners for meeting & concludmg the affaires 
of this confederation, to y* satisfaction of y* Courte of y* 
Massachusets, and y® comissioners for y* other 2. confed- 
erats, but y* rest to stand unquestioned. In y* testimouie 
wherof, y* Generall Courte of y* Massachusets, by ther 
Secretary, and y* comissioners for Conightecutt and New- 
Haven, have subscribed these presente articles this 19. of 
y* third month, comonly called May, Anno Dom: 1643. 

At a meeting of y* comissioners for y* confederation held 
at Boston y* 7. of Sept : it appearing that the Generall Courte 
of New-Plimoth, and y" severall towneshipes therof, have 
read & considered & approved these articles of confederation, 
as appeareth by comission from their Generall Courte bearing 
date y* 29. of August, 1643. to M'. Edward Winslow and 
M'. William Collier, to ratifie and confii-me y* same on their 
behalfes. We, therfore, y* Comissioners for y* Massachusets, 
Conightecutt, & New Haven, doe also, for our severall gover- 
ments, subscribe unto them. 

John Winthrop, Gov^ of y* Massachusest. 

Tho: Dudley. Theoph: Eaton. 

Geo: Fenwick. Edwa : Hopkins. 

Thomas Gregson. 

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this their first meeting, held at Boston y* day & year 
abovesaid, amongst other things they had this matter 
of great consequence to considere on : the Narigansets, 
after y® subduing of y® Pequents, thought to have ruled 
over all y^ Indeans aboute them ; but y* English, espe- 
tially those of Conightecutt holding correspondencie & 
frenship with Uncass, sachem of y* Monhigg Indeans 
which lived nere them, (as y* Massachusets had done 
with y* Narigansets,) and he had been faithfull to them 
in y* Pequente warr, they were ingaged to supporte 
him in his just liberties, and were contented y' such of 
y* surviving Pequents as had submited to him should 
remaine with him and quietly under his protection. 
This did much increase his power and augmente his 
greatnes, which y® Narigansets could not indure to see. 
But Myantinomo, their cheefe sachem, (an ambitious 
& politick man,) sought privatly and by trearchery 
(according to y* Indean maner) to make him away, 
by hiring some to kill him. Sometime they assayed to 
poyson him ; that not takeing, then in y* night time to 
knock him on y'' head in his house, or secretly to shoot 
him, and such like attempts. But none of these taking 
effecte, he made open warr upon him (though it was 
against y* covenants both betweene y® English & them, 
as also betweene them selves, and a plaine breach of y* 
same). He came suddanly upon him with 900. or 1000. 
men (never denouncing any warr before). Y* others 
power at y* presente was not above halfe so many; 

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506 HISTORY OF [book U. 

but it pleased God to give Uncass y* victory, and he 
slew many of his men, and wounded many more ; but 
y® cheefe of all was, he tooke Miantinomo prisoner. 
And seeing he was a greate man, and y* Narigansets 
a potente people & would seeke revenge, he would doe 
nothing in y* case without y* advise of y* English; 
so he (by y* help & direction of those of Conigbtecutt) 
kept him prisoner till this meeting of y® comissioners. 
The comissioners weighed y* cause and passages, as 
they were clearly represented & sufficently evidenced 
betwixte Uncass and Myantinomo ; and the things being 
duly considered, the comissioners apparently saw y* 
Uncass could not be safe whilst Miantynomo lived, but, 
either by secrete trechery or open force, his life would 
still be in danger. Wherfore they thought he might 
justly put such a false & bloud-thirstie enimie to death ; 
but in his owne jurisdiction, not in y' English plan- 
tations. And they advised, in y^ maner of his death 
all mercy and moderation should be showed, contrary 
to y® practise of y* Indeans, who exercise torturs and 
cruelty. And, [261] Uncass having hitherto shewed 
him selfe a freind to y® English, and in this craving 
their advise, if the Narigansett Indeans or others shall 
unjustly assaulte Uncass for this execution, upon notice 

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& records of this meeting of y* comissioners. And 
Uneass follewd this advise, and accordingly executed 
him, in a very faire maner, acording as they advised, 
with due respeete to his honour & greatnes. But what 
followed on y^ Narigansets parte will appear hear after. 

Anno Dom: 1644. 

M*. Edward Winslow was chosen Gov"" this year. 

Many having left this place (as is before noted) by 
reason of y^ straightnes & barrennes of y^ same, and 
their finding of better accommodations elsewher, more 
sutable to their ends & minds; and sundrie others 
still upon every occasion desiring their dismissions, 
the church begane seriously to thinke whether it were 
not better joyntly to remove to some other place, then 
to be thus weakened, and as it were insensibly dis- 
solved. Many meetings and much consultation was held 
hearaboute, and diverse were mens minds and opinions. 
Some were still for staying togeather in this place, 
aledging men might hear live, if they would be con- 
tente with their condition; and y' it was not for wante 
or necessitie so much y' they removed, as for y^ enrich- 
ing of them selves. Others were resolute upon removall, 
and so signified y' hear y^^ could not stay; but if y* 
church did not remove, they must ; insomuch as many 
were swayed, rather then ther should he a dissolution, 
to condescend to a removall, if a fitt place could 
be found, that might more conveniently and comforta- 

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508 HISTORY OF [book II. 

blie receive y® whole, with such accession of others 
as might come to them, for their better strength & 
subsistence ; and some such like cautions and lipjiita- 
tions. So as, with y^ afforesaide provissos, y^ greater 
parte consented to a removall to a place called Nawsett, 
which had been superficially veiwed and y* good will 
of y® purchassers (to whom it belonged) obtained, with 
some addition thertoo from y* Courte. But now they 
begane to see their errour, that they had given away 
already the best & most comodious places to others, 
and now wanted them selves; for this place was about 
50. myles from hence, and at an outside of y* countrie, 
remote from all society; also, that it would prove so 
straite, as it would not be competente to receive 
y* whole body, much less be capable of any addition 
or increase; so as (at least in a shorte time) they 
should be worse ther then they are now hear. The 
which, with suudery other like considerations and in- 
conveniences, made them chaing their resolutions; but i 
such as were before resolved upon removall tooke advan- I 
tage of this agreemente, & wente on notwithstanding, I 
neither could y® rest hinder them, they haveing made 
some begining. And thus was this poore church left, 
like an anciente mother, growne olde, and forsaken of 
her children, (though not in their affections,) yett in 

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like children translated into other families, and she like 
a widow left only to trust in God. Thus she that had 
made many rich became her selfe poore. 

[262] Some things handled^ and pacified by y* coffiismoner 

this year. 

Wheras, by a wise providence of God, tow of y* jurisdic- 
tions in y* westeme parts, viz. Conightecatt & New-haven, 
have beene latly exercised by sundrie insolencies & outrages 
from y* Indeans; as, first, an Englishman, runing from his 
m'. out of y* Massachusets, was murdered in y* woods, in or 
nere y* limites of Conightecute jurisdiction; and aboute 6. 
weeks after, upon discovery by an Indean, y* Indean saga- 
more in these parts promised to deliver the murderer to y* 
English, bound ; and having accordingly brought him within 
y* sight of Uncaway, by their joynte consente, as it is 
informed, he was ther unbound, and left to shifte for him 
selfe ; wherupon 10. Englishmen forthwith coming to y* place, 
being sente by M'. Ludlow, at y* Indeans desire, to receive 
y* murderer, who seeing him escaped, layed hold of 8. of y* 
Indeans ther presente, amongst whom ther was a sagamore 
or 2. and kept them in hold 2. dsCys, till 4. sagamors ingaged 
themselves within one month to deliver y* prisoner. And 
about a weeke after this agreemente, an Indean came pre- 
sumtuously and with guile, in y* day time, and murtherously 
assalted an English woman in her house at Stamford, and 
by 3. wounds, supposed mortall, left her for dead, after he 
had robbed y* house. By which passages y* English were 
provoked, «& called to a due considei-ation of their owne 
saftie ; and y* Indeans generally in those parts arose in an 
hostile maner, refused to come to y* English to carry 
on treaties of peace, departed from their wigwames, left 
their come unweeded, and shewed them selves tumultuously 

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510 HISTORY or [book II. 

about some of y* English plantations, & shott of peeces 
within hearing of y* towne ; and some Indeans came to y* 
English & tould them y* Indeans would fall upon them. 
So y' most of y" English thought it unsafe to travell in those 
parts by land, and some of y* plantations were put upon 
strong watchs and ward, night & day, & could not attend 
their private occasions, and yet distrusted their owne strength 
for their defence. Wherupon Hartford & New-Haven were 
sent unto for aide, and saw cause both to send into y* weaker 
parts of their owne jurisdiction thus in danger, and New- 
Haven, for oonveniencie of situation, sente aide to Uncaway, 
though belonging to Conightecutt. Of all which passages 
they presently acquainted y* comissioners in y* Bay, & had 
y* allowance & approbation from y* Generall Courte ther, 
with directions neither to hasten warr nor to bear such inso- 
lencies too longe. Which courses, though chargable to them 
selves, yet through Gods blessing they hope fruite is, & will 
be, sweete and wholsome to all y* coUonies; the murderers 
are since delivered to justice, the publick peace preserved for 
y* presente, & probabillitie it may be better secured for y* 

Thus this mischeefe was prevented, and y* fear of 
a warr hereby diverted. But now an other broyle was 
begune by y® Narigansets; though they unjustly had 
made warr upon Uncass, (as is before declared,) and 
had, y^ winter before this, emestly presed y* Gove^ 
of y® Massachusets that they might still make warr 
upon them to revenge y* death of their sagamore, w***, 
being taken prisoner, was by them put to death, (as 

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But y* Gove' refused their presents, and tould them 
y* it was them selves had done y® wronge, & broaken 
y* conditions of peace; and he nor y® English neither 
could nor would allow them to make any further warr 
upon him, but if they did, must assiste him, & oppose 
them; but if it did appeare, upon good proofe, that 
he had received a ransome for his life, before he put 
him to death, when y^ comissioners mett, they should 
have a fair hearing, and they would cause Uncass 
to returne y same. But notwithstanding, at y* spring 
of y® year they gathered a great power, and fell upon 
Uncass, and slue sundrie of his men, and wounded 
more, and also had some loss them selves. Uncass 
cald for aide from y® English; they tould him what 
y® Narigansets objected, he deney the same ; they tould 
him it must come to triall, and if he was inocente, if 
y® Narigansets would not desiste, they would aide & 
assiste him. So at this meeting they [263] sent both 
to Uncass & y® Narrigansets, and required their saga- 
mors to come or send to y^ comissioners now mete 
at Hartford, and they should have a faire & inpartiall 
hearing in all their greevances, and would endeavor 
y* all wrongs should be rectified wher they should be 
found; and they promised that they should safly come 
and returne without any danger or molestation ; and 
sundry y® like things, as appears more at large in 
y* messengers instructions. Upon w*^'' the Narigansets 
sent one sagamore and some other deputies, with full 

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512 HISTORY OF [book IT. 

power to doe in y^ ease as should be meete. Uncass 
came in person, accompanyed with some cheefe aboute 
him. After the agitation of y* bussines, y® issue was 
this. The comissioners declared to y* Narigansett depu- 
ties as foUoweth. 

1. That they did not find any proof e of any ransome 
agreed on. 

2. It appeared not y^' any wampam had been paied as a 
ransome, or any parte of a ransome, for Myantinomos life. 

3. That if they had in any measure proved their chaise 
against Uncass, the comissioners would have required him 
to have made answerable satisfaction. 

4. That if hereafter they can make satisfing profe, y* Eng- 
lish will consider y* same, & proceed accordingly. 

5. The comissioners did require y* neither them selves nor 
y* Nyanticks make any warr or in j uncus assaulte upon 
Unquass or any of his company untlll they make profe 
of y* ransume charged, and y' due satisfaction be deneyed, 
unless he first assaulte them. 

6. That if they assaulte Uncass, the English are engaged 
to assist him. 

Hearupon y* Narigansette sachim, advising with y* other 
deputies, ingaged him selfe in the behalfe of y* Narigansfets 
<& Nyanticks that no hostile acts should be comitted upon 
Uncass, or any of his, untill after y* next planting of come ; 
and y* after that, before they begine any warr, they will give 
30. days warning to y*" Gove' of the Massachusets or Con- 

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These foregoing conclusions were subscribed by y* comis- 
sioners, for y* severall jurisdictions, y* 19. of Sept: 1644. 

Edwa : Hopkins, Presidente. 

Simon Bradstreete. 

Will". Hathorne. 

Edw: Winslow. 

John Browne. 

Geor : Fenwick. 

Theoph : Eaton. 

Tho : Gregson. 
The forenamed Narigansets deputies did further promise, that 
if, contrary to this agreemente, any of y* Nyantick Pequents 
should make any assaulte upon Uncass, or any of his, they 
would deliver them up to y* English, to be punished accord- 
ing to their demerits ; and that they would not use any means 
to procure the Mowacks to come against Uncass during this, 

These were their names subscribed with their marks. 



[264] Anno Dom: 1645. 
The comissioners this year were caled to meete to- 
gither at Boston, before their ordlnarie time; partly in 
regard of some differances falen betweene y* French and 
y* govermente of y* Massachusets, about their aiding 
of Munseire Latore against Munsseire de Aulney, and 
partly aboute y* Indeans, who had broaken y® former 
agreements aboute the peace concluded y^ last year. 
This meeting was held at Boston, y® 28. of July. 

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514 HISTORY OP [book II. 

Besids some underhand assualts made on both sids, 
the Narigansets gathered a great power, and fell upon 
Uncass, and slew many of his men, and wounded 
more, by reason y* they farr exseeded him in number, 
and had gott store of peeces, with which they did him 
most hurte. And as they did this withoute y* knowl- 
edg and consente of y* English, (contrary to former 
agreemente, ) so they were resolved to prosecute y® same, 
notwithstanding any thing y^ English said or should doe 
against them. So, being incouraged by ther late vic- 
torie, and promise of assistance from y* Mowaks, (being 
H strong, warlike, and desperate people,) they had all- 
ready devoured Uncass & his, in their hops ; and surly 
they had done it in deed, if the English had not timly 
sett in for his aide. For those of Conightecute sent 
him 40. men, who were a garison to him, till y® comis- 
sioners could meete and take further order. 

Being thus mett, they forthwith sente 3. messengers, 
viz. Sargent John Davis, Benedicte Arnold, and Francis 
Smith, with full & ample instructions, both to y* Nari- 
gansets and Uncass ; to require them y* they should 
either come in person or send sufficiente men fully 
instructed to deale in y® bussines ; and if they refused 
or delaved, to let them know faccordinsr to former 

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or they will assaulte y^ English also, that they may 
provid accordingly. 

But y^ messengers returned, not only with a sleight- 
ing, but a threatening answer from the Narigansets 
(as will more appear hereafter). Also they brought 
a letter from M'. Roger Williams, wherin he assures 
them that y* warr would presenly breake forth, & y« 
whole country would be all of a flame. And y* the 
sachems of-y* Narigansets had concluded a newtrality 
with y* English of Providence and those of Aquidnett 
Hand. Wherupon y* comissioners, considering y® great 
danger & provocations ofiered, and y® necessitie we 
should be put unto of making warr with y^ Narigan- 
setts, and being also carfuU, in a matter of so great 
waight & generall concemmente, to see y* way cleared, 
and to give satisfaction to all y^ colonies, did thinke 
fitte to advise with such of y magistrats & elders of 
y^ Massachusets as were then at hand, and also with 
some of y* cheefe millitary comanders ther ; who being 
assembled, it was then agreed, — 

First, y* our ingagmeute bound us to aide & defend 
Uncass. 2. That this ayde could not be intended only 
to defend him & his forte, or habitation, but (according 
to y* comone acceptation of such covenants, or ingag- 
ments, considered with y® grounds or occasion therof) 
so to ayde him as he might be preserved in his liberty 
and estate. 3^. That this ayde [265] must be speedy, 
least he might be swalowed up in y^ mean time, and 

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516 HISTORY OP [book U. 

SO come to late. 4^^. The justice of this warr being 
cleared to our selves and y* rest then presente, it was 
thought meete y^ the case should be stated, and y* 
reasons & grounds of y* warr declared and published. 
5^^. That a day of humilliation should be apoynted, 
which was y® 5. day of y*' weeke following. 6*^. It was 
then allso agreed by y® comissioners that y® whole num- 
ber of men to be raised in all y* colonies should be 300. 
Wherof from y® Massachusets a 190. Plimoth, 40. 
Conightecute, 40. New-Haven, 30. And considering 
y^ Uncass was in present danger, 40. men of this num- 
ber were forthwith sente from y® Massachusets for his 
sucoure; and it was but neede, for y* other 40. from 
Conightecutt had order to stay but a month, & their 
time being out, they returned ; and y*^ Narigansets, hear- 
ing therof, tooke the advantage, and came suddanly 
upon him, and gave him another blow, to his further 
loss, and were ready to doe y* like againe; but these 
40. men being arrived, they returned, and did nothing. 
The declaration which they sett forth I shall not 
transcribe, it being very larg, and put forth in printe, 
to which I referr those y^ would see y® same, in which 
all passages are layed open from y® first. I shall only 
note their prowd carriage, and answers to y* 3. mes- 
sengers sent from y® comissioners. They received them 

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who begane y* warr, they were resolved to follow it, 
and that y® English should withdraw their garison from 
Uncass, or they would procure y* Mowakes against 
them; and withall gave them this threatening answer: 
that they would lay y* English catle on heaps, as high 
as their houses, and y^ no English-man should sturr out 
of his dore to pisse, but he should be kild. And 
wheras they required guids to pass throw their countrie, 
to deliver their message to Uncass from y® comissioners, 
they deneyed them, but at length (in way of scorne) 
offered them an old Pequente woman. Besids allso 
they conceived them selves in danger, for whilst y*' in- 
terpretour was speakeing with them about y** answer 
he should returne, 3. men came & stood behind him 
with ther hatchets, according to their murderous maner; 
but one of his fellows gave him notice of it, so they 
broak of & came away ; with sundry such like affrontes, 
which made those Indeans they carryed with them to 
rune away for fear, and leave them to goe home as 
they could. 

Thus whilst y* comissioners in care of y* publick 
peace sought to quench y® fire kindled amongst y* 
Indeans, these children of strife breath out threatenings, 
provocations, and warr against y* English them selves. 
So that, unless they should dishonour & provoak God, 
by violating a just ingagmente, and expose y* colonies to 
contempte & danger from y® barbarians, they cannot but 
exerciese force, when no other means will prevaile to 

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518 HISTORY OF [book H. 

reduse y^ Narigansets & their confederats to a more 
just & sober temper. 

So as here upon they went on to hasten y* prepa- 
rations, according to y* former agreemente, and sent to 
Plimoth to send forth their 40. men with all speed, 
to lye at Seacunke, least any deanger should befalle 
it, before y* rest were ready, it lying next y* enemie, 
and ther to stay till y® Massachusetts should joyne with 
them. Allso Conigtecute & Newhaven forces were to 
joyne togeather, and march with all speed, and y* 
Indean confederats of those parts with them. All which 
was done accordingly; and the souldiers of this place 
were at Seacunk, the place of their rendevouze, 8. or 
10. days before y® rest were ready ; they were well 
armed all with snaphance peeces, and wente under 
y*" camand of Captain [266] Standish. Those from 
other places were led likwise by able comanders,* as 
Captaine Mason for Conigtecute, &c. ; and Majore 
Gibons was made generall over y® whole, with such 
comissions & instructions as was meete. 

Upon y® suden dispatch of these souldiears, (the 
present necessitie requiring it,) the deputies of y* 
Massachusetts Courte (being now assembled imediatly 
after y® setting forth of their 40. men) made a ques- 
tion whether it was legally done, without their comis- 
sion. It was answered, that howsoever it did properlv 

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y* warr was agreed upon by y* comissioners, & the 
namber of men) to provid y* men & means to carry 
on y* warr; yet in this presente case, the proceeding 
of y* comissioners and y* comission given was as suffi- 
ciente as if it had been done by y* Generall Courte. 

Flret, it was a case of such presente & urgente necessitie, 
as could not stay y*. calling of y* Courte or Counsell. 2^. 
In y* Articles of Confederation, power is given to y* comis- 
sioners to consult, order, & determine all affaires of warr, 
Ac' And y* word determine comprehends all acts of author- 
ity belonging therunto. 

3^. The comissioners are y' judges of y* necessitie of the 

4'y. The Generall Courte have made their owne comis- 
sioners their sole counsell for these affires. 

5^^. These counsels could not have had their due effecte 
excepte they had power to proceede in this case, as they 
have done ; which were to make y* comissioners power, and 
y* maine end of y* confederation, to be frustrate, and that 
mearly for observing a ceremony. 

&^, The comissioners haveing sole power to manage y* 
warr for number of men, for time, place, &c., they only 
know their owne counsells, & determinationa^ and therfore 
none can grante comission to acte accoi*ding to these but 
them selves. 

All things being thus in readines, and some of y* 
souldiers gone forth, and the rest ready to march, 
the comissioners thought it meete before any hostile 
acte was performed, to cause a presente to be re- 

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520 • HISTOBY OF [book H. 

him received, but layed up to be accepted or refused 
as they should carry them selves, and observe y® cove^ 
nants. Therfore they violating the same, & standing 
out thus to a warr, it was againe returned, by 2. mes- 
sengers & an interpretour. And further to let know 
that their men already sent to Uncass (& other wher 
sent forth) have hitherto had express order only to 
stand upon his & their owne defence, and not to 
attempte any invasion of y® Narigansetts country ; and 
yet if they may have due reperation for what is past, 
and good securitie for y® future, it shall appear they 
are as desirous of peace, and shall be as tender of 
y® Narigansets blood as ever. If therefore Pessecuss, 
Innemo, with other sachemesj will (without further 
delay) come along with you to Boston, the comis- 
sioners doe promise & assure them, they shall have 
free liberty to come, and retoume without molesta- 
tion or any just greevance from y® English. But 
deputies will not now serve, nor may the prepara- 
tions in hand be now stayed, or y® directions given 
recalled, till y* forementioned sagamors come, and 
some further order be taken. But if they will have 
nothing but warr, the English are providing, and will 
proceede accordingly. 

Pessecouss, Mixano, & Witowash, 3. principall sa- 
chems of y® Narigansett Indeans, and Awasequen, dep- 
utle for y* Nyanticks, with a large traine of men, 

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And to omitte all other circomstances and debats y 
past betweene them and the comissioDers, they came 
to this conclusion following. 

[267] 1. It was agreed betwixte y* comissioners of y* 
United Collonies, and y" forementioned sagamores, & Nian- 
tick deputie, that y* said Narigausets & Niantick sagamores 
should pay or cause to be payed at Boston, to y* Massa- 
ohasets comissioners, y* full sume of 2000. fathome of good 
white wampame, or a third parte of black wampampeage, 
in 4. payments ; namely, 500. fathome within 20. days, 
500. fathome within 4. months, 500. fathome at or before 
next planting time, and 500. fathome within 2. years next 
after y' date of these presents; which 2000. fathome y* 
comissioners accepte for satisfaction of former charges ex- 

2. The foresaid sagamors & deputie (on y' behalf e of y* 
Narigansett &. Niantick Indeans) hereby promise & cove- 
nante that they upon demand and profe satisfie & re- 
store unto Uncass, y*' Mohigan sagamore, all such cap- 
tives, whether men, or women, or children, and all such 
canowes, as they or any of their men have taken, or as 
many of their owne canowes in y* roome of them, full as 
good as they were, with full satisfaction for all such corne 
as they or any of theire men have spoyled or destroyed, of 
his or his mens, since last planting time ; and y* English 
comissioners hereby promise y' Uncass shall doe y* like. 

3. Wheras ther are sundry differences & greevances be- 
twixte Narigansett <& Niantick Indeans, and Uncass & his 
men, (which in Uncass his absence cannot now be detir- 

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522 HISTORY OF [book II. 

ing, if y* said comissionere doe meeie sooner) , fully instructed 
to declare & make due proofe of their injuries, and to sub- 
mite to y* judgmente of y* comissioners, in giving or receiv- 
ing satisfaction ; and y* said comissioners (not doubting but 
Uncass will either come him selfe, or send his deputies, 
in like maner furnished) promising to give a full hearing 
to both parties with equall justice, without any partiall 
respects, according to their allegations and profs. 

4. The said Narigansett & Niantick sagamors & deputies 
doe hearby promise & covenante to keep and maintaine a 
Urme & perpetuall peace, both with all y* English United 
Colonies & their successors, and with Uncass, y* Monhegen 
sachem, & his men; with Ossamequine, Pumham, Sokanoke, 
Cutshamakin, Sboanan, Passaconaway, and all other Indean 
sagamors, and their companies, who are in freindship with 
or subjecte to any of y* English ; hearby ingaging them 
selves, that they will not at any time heai*after disturbe y* 
peace of y* cuntry, by any assaults, hostile attempts, inva- 
sions, or other injuries, to any of y* Unnited Collonies, or 
their successors ; or to y* afforesaid Indeans ; either in their 
persons, buildings, catle, or goods, directly or indirectly ; nor 
will they confederate with any other against them ; & if 
they know of any Indeans or others y' conspire or intend 
hurt against y^ said English, or any Indeans subjecte to or in 
freindship with them, they will without delay acquainte & give 
notice therof to y* English comissioners, or some of them. 

Or if any questions or differences shall at any time here- 
after arise or grow betwext them & Uncass, or any Endeans 
before mentioned, they will, according to former ingagments 

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5. The said NariganBets & Niantick sagamores & depu- 
ties doe hearby promise y* they will forthw*^ deliver & re- 
store all such ludean fugitives, or captives which have at 
any time fled from any of y* English, and are now living 
or abiding amongst them, or give due satisfaction for them 
to y* comissioners for y* Massachusets ; and further, that 
they will (without more delays) pay, or cause to be payed, 
a yearly tribute, a month before harvest, every year after 
this, at Boston, to y* English Colonies, for all such Pequents 
as live amongst them, according to y^ former treaty & 
agreemente, made at Hartford, 1638. namly, one fathome 
of white wampam for every Pequente man, & halfe a 
fathume for each Pequente youth, and one hand length 
for each mal-child. And if Weequashcooke refuse to pay 
this tnbute for any Pequents with him, the Narigansetts 
sagamores promise to assiste y* English against him And 
they further covenante y* they will resigne & yeeld up the 
whole Pequente cuntrie, and every parte of ft, to y* Eng- 
lish coUonies, as due to them by conquest. 

6. The said Narigansett & Niantick sagamores & deputie 
doe hereby promise & covenante y* within 14. days they will 
bring & deliver to y' Massachusetts comissioners on y' be- 
half e of y* coUonies, [268] foure of their children, viz. 
Pessecous his eldest son, the sone Tassaquanawite, brother 
to Pessecouss, Awashawe his sone, and Ewangsos sone, a 
Niantick, to be kepte (as hostages & pledges) by y* English, 
till both y' forementioned 2000. fathome of wampam be payed 
at y* times appoynted, and y* diflPereuces betweexte themselves 
& Uncass be heai*d & ordered, and till these artickles be 
under writen at Boston, by Jenemo & Wipetock. And fur- 
ther they hereby promise & covenante, y* if at any time 
hearafter any of y^ said children shall make escape, or be 
conveyed away from y* English, before y' premisses be fully 
accomplished, they will either bring back & deliver to y* 

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524 HISTORY OF [book IT, 

Massachusett comissioners y* same children, or, if they be not 
to be foande, such & so many other children, to be chosen 
by y* comissioners for y* United Collonies, or their assignes, 
and y^ within 20. days after demand, and in y* mean time, 
untill y* said 4. children be delivered as hostages, y* Nari- 
gansett & Niantick sagamors & deputy doe, freely & of their 
owne accorde, leave with y' Massachusett comissioners, as 
pledges for presente securitie, 4. Indeans, namely, Witowash, 
Pumanise, Jawashoe, Waughwamino, who allso freely con- 
sente, and offer them selves to stay as pledges, till y® said 
children be brought & delivered as abovesaid. 

7. The comissioners for y* United Collonies doe hereby 
promise & agree that, at y* charge of y* United Collonies, 
y* 4. Indeans now left as pledges shall be provided for, and y* 
the 4. children to be brought <& delivered as hostages shall 
be kepte & maintained at y'^ same charge ; that they will 
require Uncass & his men, with all other Indean sagamors 
before named, to forbear all acts of hostilitie againste y* Nari- 
gansetts and Niantick Indeans for y* future. And further, 
all y' promises being duly observed & kept by y® Narigansett 
& Niantick Indians and their company, they will at y* end 
of 2. years restore y* said children delivered as hostiages, 
and retaine a firme peace with y* Narigansets & Nianticke 
Indeans and their successours. 

8. It is fully agreed by & betwixte y® said parties, y* if 
any hostile attempte be made while this treaty is in hand, 
or before notice of this agreemente (to stay further prepara- 
tions & directions) can be given, such attempts & y* conse- 
quencts therof shall on neither parte be accounted a violation 
of this treaty, nor a breach of y* peace hear made & con- 

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aDy parcelL of land therin, either to any of y^ English or 
others, without consente or allowance of y* coinissioners . 

10. Lastly, they promise that, if any Pequente or other be 
found & discovered amongst them who hath in time of peace 
murdered any of y' English, he or they shall be delivered to 
just punishmente. 

In witness wherof y* parties above named have inter- 

chaingablie subscribed these presents, the day & year above 


John Winthrop, President. 

Herbert Pelham. 

Tho: Prenoe. 

John Browne. 

Geo : Fenwick. 

Edwa: Hopkins. 

Theoph: Eaton. 

Steven Goodyeare. 

Pessecouss his mark^ 

Meekbsano his mark ) ^ 

WrrowASH his mark C C C 

, / I the NUnUok 

Aumsequen his mark C^^ ^^ 
Abdas his mark ^ Q 
PuMMASH his mark Oif\A/ C^**y 
CuTCHAMAKiN his mark ^^ £j 

This treaty and agreemente betwixte the comissioners of y* 
United Collonies and y* sagamores and deputy of Narrigansets 
and Niantick Indeaus was made and concluded, Benedicte 
Arnold being interpretour upon his oath; Sergante Callicate 
<& an Indean, his man, being presente, and Josias <& Cut- 
shamakin, tow Indeans aquainted with y* English language, 
assisting therin; who opened <& cleared the whole treaty, & 
every article, to y* sagamores and deputie there presente. 

And thus was y* warr at this time stayed and pre- 

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526 HISTORY OF [book II. 

[269] Anno Dom: 1646. 

About y* midle of May, this year, came in 3. ships 
into this harbor, in warrlike order; they were found to 
be men of warr. The captains name was Crumwell, 
who had taken sundrie prizes from y* Spaniards in y* 
West Indies. He had a comission from y* Earle of 
Warwick. He had abord his vessels aboute 80. lustie 
men, (but very unruly,) who, after they came ashore, 
did so distemper them selves with drinke as they be- 
came like madd-men; and though some of them were 
punished & imprisoned, yet could they hardly be re- 
strained; yet in y* ende they became more moderate 
& orderly. They continued here aboute a month or 
6. weeks, and then went to y* Massachusets ; in which 
time they spente and scattered a great deale of money 
among y® people, and yet more sine (I fear) then 
money, notwithstanding all y* care & watchfullnes that 
was used towards them, to prevente what might be. 

In which time one sadd accidente fell out. A des- 
perate fellow of y* company fell a quarling with some 
of his company. His captine comanded him to be quiet 
& surcease his quarelling; but he would not, but 
reviled his captaine with base language, & in y* end 
halfe drew his rapier, & intended to rune at his captien ; 
but he closed with him, and wrasted his rapier from 
him, and gave him a boxe on y* earr; but he would 
not give over, but still assaulted his captaine. Wher- 

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upon he tooke y* same rapier as it was in y* scaberd, 
and gave bim a blow witb y® bills ; but it light on his 
head, & y* smal end of y* bar of y* rapier hilts peiret 
his scull, & he dyed a few days after. But y* captaine 
was cleared by a counsell of warr. This fellow was 
so desperate a quareller as y® captaine was &ine many 
times to chaine him under hatches from hurting his 
fellows, as y* company did testifie; and this was his 

This Captaine Thomas Cromuell sett forth another 
vioage to the Westindeas, from the Bay of the Massa- 
chusets, well maned & victuled ; and was out 3. years, 
and tooke sundry prises, and returned rich unto the 
Massachusets, and ther dyed the same somere, having 
gott a fall from his horse, in which fall he fell on his 
rapeir hilts, and so briised his body as he shortly after 
dyed therof, with some other distempers, which brought 
him into a feavor. Some observed that ther might be 
somthing of the hand of God herein ; that as the fore- 
named man dyed of y* blow he gave him with y^ rapeir 
hilts, so his owne death was occationed by a like means. 

This year M^ Edward Winslow went into England, 
upon this occation : some discontented persons under 
y® govermente of the Massachusets sought to trouble 
tbeir peace, and disturbe, if not innovate, their gover- 
mente, by laying many [270] scandals upon them ; 
and intended to prosecute against them in England, by 
petitioning & complaining to the Parlemente. Allso 

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No. I. 

[Passengers of the ilayflower.] 

The names of those which came over first, in y* year 1620. 
and were by the blessing of God the first beginers and 
(in a sort) the foundation of all the Plantations and 
Colonies in New-England; and their families. 

M'. John Carver ; Kathrine, his wife ; Desire Minter ; 
A 2. man-servants, John Rowland, Roger Wilder; Wil- 
liam Latham, a boy; & a maid servant, & a child y' 
was put to him, called Jasper More. 

M'. William Brewster; Mary, his wife; with 2. sons, 

whose names were Love & Wrasling ; and a boy was 

6. put to him called Richard More ; and another of his 

brothers. The rest of his children were left behind, & 

came over afterwards. 

M^ Edward Winslow ; Elizabeth, his wife; & 2. men 
servants, caled Geoi^ Sowle and Elias Story ; also a litle 
girle was put to him, caled Ellen, the sister of Richard 

William Bradford, and Dorothy, his wife; having but 
one child, a sone, left behind, who came afterward. 

M'. Isaack Allerton, and Mary, his wife ; with 3. chil- 
6. dren, Bartholmew, Remember, & Mary ; and a servant 
boy, John Hooke. 

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M^ Samuel 1 Fuller, aud a servant, caled William But- 
2. ten. His wife was behind, <& a child, which came after- 

2. John Crakston, and his sone, John Crakston. 

2. Captin Myles Standish, and Rose, his wife. 

M'. Christopher Martin, and his wife, and 2. servants, 

Salamon Prower and John Langemore. 

M'. William Mullines, and his wife, and 2. children, 

Joseph & Priscila; and a servant, Robart Carter. 

M'. William White, and Susana, his wife, and one 
sone, caled Resolved, and one borne a ship-bord, caled 


Peregriene ; & 2. servants, named William Holbeck & 
Edward Thomson. 

M'. Steven Hopkins, & Elizabeth, his wife, and 2. chil- 
dren, caled Giles, and Constanta, a doughter, both by 
8. a former wife ; and 2. more by this wife, caled Damaris 
& Oceanus; the last was borne at sea; and 2. servants, 
called Edward Doty and Edward Litster. 

M'. Richard Warren; but his wife and children were 

lefte behind, and came afterwards. 



John Billinton, and Elen, his wife ; and 2. sones, John 
& Fi-ancis. 

Edward Tillie, and Ann, his wife ; and 2. children that 
were their cossens, Henery Samson and Humillity Coper. 

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Thomas Rogers, and Joseph, his sone. His other chil- 
dren came afterwards. 

8.* Thomas Tinker, and his wife, and a sone. 

2. John Rigdale, and Alice, his wife. 

James Chilton, and his wife, and Mary, their dougter. 

3. They had an other doughter, y* was maried, came after- 

3. Edward Fuller, and his wife, and Samuell) their sonne. 

John Turner, and 2. sones. He had a doughter came 

some years after to Salem, wher she is now living. 

Francis Eaton, and Sarah, his wife, and Samuell, their 

sone, a yong child. 

Moyses Fletcher, John Goodman, Thomas Williams, 
Digerie Preist, Edmond Margeson, Peter Browne, Richard 
Britterige, Richard Clarke, Richard Gardenar, Gilbart 

John Alden was hired for a cooper, at South-Hampton, 
wher the ship victuled ; and being a hopfull yong man, 
was much desired, but left to his owne liking to go or 
stay when he came here ; but he stayed, and maryed here. 

John AUerton and Thomas Enlish were both hired, the 
later to goe m' of a shalop here, and y* other was reputed 
2. as one of y* company, but was to go back (being a sea- 
man) for the help of others behind. But they both dyed 

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534 Appendix. 

There were allso other 2. seamen hired to stay a year 
2. here in the country, William Trevore, and one Ely. But 
when their time was out, they both returned. 

These, bening aboute a hundred sowls, came over in 
this first ship ; and began this worke, which God of his 
goodnes hath hithertoo blesed; let his holy name have 
y* praise. 

And seeing it hath pleased him to give me to see 30. years 
compleated since these beginings; and that the great 
works of his providence are to be observed, I have 
thought it not unworthy my paines to take a veiw of the 
decreasings & increasings of these persons, and such 
Changs as hath pased over them <& theirs, in this thirty 
years. It may be of some use to such as come after; 
but, however, I shall rest in my owne benefite. 

I will therfore take them in order as they lye. 

M'. Carver and his wife dyed the first year; he in y* 
spring, she in y* somer; also, his man Roger and y* litle 
boy Jasper dyed before either of them, of y* commone in- 
fection. Desire Minter returned to her freinds, & proved 
not very well, and dyed in England. His servant boy 
Latham, after more then 20. years stay in the country, 
went into England, and from thence to the Bahamy Hands 
in y* West Indies, and ther, with some others, was starved 
for want of food. His maid servant maried, & dyed 
a year or tow after, here in this place. 

His servant, John Howland, maried the doughter of 

John Tillie, Elizabeth, and they are both now living, 

^^ and have 10. children, now all living; and their eldest 

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M*. Brewster lived to very old age ; about 80. years he 
was when he dyed, having lived some 23. or 24. years 
here in y* countrie ; & though his wife dyed long before, 
yet she dyed aged. His sone Wrastle dyed a yonge man 

4. unmaried; his sone Love lived till this year 1650. and 
dyed, & left 4. children, now living. His doughters 
which came over after him are dead, but have left sundry 
children alive ; his eldst sone is still liveing, and hath 9. 

2. or 10 children; one maried, who hath a child or 2. 

Richard More his brother dyed the first winter ; but he 
is maried, and hath 4. or 5. children, all living. 


M'. Ed : Winslow his wife dyed the first winter ; and he 

2. maried with the widow of M'. White, and hath 2. children 

living by her marigable, besids sundry that are dead. 

One of his servants dyed, as also the litle girle, soone 

8. after the ships arivall. But his man, Georg Sowle, is still 

living, and hath 8. childre. 

William Bradford his wife dyed soone after their arivall ; 
4. and he maried againe; and hath 4. children, 3. wherof are 

M'. Allerton his wife dyed with the first, and his ser- 
vant, John Hooke. His sone Bartle is maried in England, 
but I know not how many children he hath. His doughter 
Remember is maried at Salem, & hath 3. or 4. children 
living. And his doughter Mary is maried here, & hath 4. 
children. Him selfe maried againe with y* doughter of 
M'. Brewster, & hath one sone living by her, but she 
is long since dead. And he is maried againe, and hath 
left this place long agoe. So I account his increase to 
be 8. besids his sons in England. 

M^ Fuller his servant dyed at sea ; and after his wife 

2. came over, he had tow children by her, which are living 

and growne up to years ; but he dyed some 15 years agoe. 

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John Crakston dyed in the first mortality; and about 
some 5. or 6. years after, his sone dyed; having lost him 
selfe in y* wodes, his feet became frosen, which pat him 
into a feavor, of which he dyed. 

* Captain Standish his wife dyed in the first sicknes, 
4. and he maried againe, and hath 4. sones liveing, and 
some are dead. 

M'. Martin, he & all his, dyed in the first infection 
not long after the arivall. 

M'. Molines, and his wife, his sone, and his servant, 

dyed the firet winter. Only his dougter Priscila sar\-ied, 

15. and maried with John Alden, who are both living, and 

have 11. children. And their eldest daughter is maried, 

& hath five children. 

IP. White and his 2. servants dyed soone after ther 

landing. His wife maried with M'. Winslow (as is be- 

7. fore noted). His 2. sons are maried, and Resolved hath 

5. children, Perigrine tow, all living. So their increase 

are 7. 

M^ Hopkins and his wife are now both dead, but they 

lived above 20. years in this place, and had one sone and 

4. doughters borne here. Ther sone became a seaman, & 

dyed at Barbadoes; one daughter dyed here, and 2. are 

maried; one of them hath 2. children; <& one is yet to 

mary. So their increase which still survive are 5. But 

4. his sone Giles is maried, and hath 4. children. 

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M'. Richard Warren lived some 4. or 5. years, and had 
his wife come over to him, by whom he had 2. sons 
before dyed; and one of them is maryed, and hath 2. 
children. So his increase is 4. But he had 5. doughters 
more came over with his wife, who are all marled, & 
living, <& have many children. 

John Billinton, after he had bene here 10. yera, was 
executed for killing a man ; and his eldest sone dyed 
before him; but his 2. sone is alive, and maried, & hath 
8. children. 



Edward Tillie and his wife both dyed soon after their 
arivall ; and the girle Humility, their cousen, was sent for 
into England, and dyed ther. But the youth Henery 
Samson is still liveing, and is maried, & hath 7. children. 

John Tillie and his wife both dyed a litle after they 
came ashore ; and their daughter Elizabeth maried with 
John Howland, and hath issue as is before noted. 

Francis Cooke is still living, a very olde man, and hath 
seene his childrens children have children ; after his wife 
8. came over, (with other of his children,) he hath 3. still 
living by her, all maried, and have 5. children; so their 
encrease is 8. And his sone John, which came over with 
him, is maried, and hath 4. chilldren living. 



Thomas Rogers dyed in the first sicknes, but his sone 
Joseph is still living, and is maried, and hath 6. children. 
The rest of Thomas Rogers [children] came over, & are 
maried, & have many children. 

Thomas Tinker and his wife and sone all dyed in the 
first sicknes. 

And so did John Rigdale and hjs wife. 

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James Chilton and his wife also dyed in the first infec- 
tion. But their daughter Mary is still living, and hath 9. 
* children ; and one daughter is maried, & hath a child ; so 
their increase is 10. 

Edward Fuller and his wife dyed soon after they came 
4. ashore; but their sone Samuell is living, & maried, and 
hath 4. children or more. 

John Turner and his 2. sones all dyed in the first 
siknes. But he hath a daugter still living at Salem, well 
maried, and approved of. 

Francis Eaton his first wife dyed in the generall 
sicknes; and he maried againe, & his 2. wife dyed, & 
4. he maried the 3. and had by her 3. children One of 
them is maried, & hath a child ; the other are living, 
but one of them is an ideote. He dyed about 16. years 
agoe. His sone Samuell, who came over a sucking child, 
is allso maried, & hath a child. 

Moyses Fletcher, Thomas Williams, Digerie Preist, 
John Goodman, Edmond Margeson, Richard Britteridge, 
Richard Clarke. All these dyed sone after their arivall, 
in the generall sicknes that befell. But Digerie Preist 
had his wife <& children sent hither afterwards, she being 
M^ Allertons sister. But the rest left no posteritie here. 

Richard Gardinar became a seaman, and died in Eng- 
land, or at sea. 

Gilbert Winslow, after diverse years aboad here, re- 
turned into England, and dyed ther. 

Peter Browne maried twise. By his first wife he had 

2. children, who are living, & both of them maried, and 

the one of them hath 2. children ; by his second wife he 

had 2. more. He dyed about 16. years since. 


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Thomas English and John Allerton dyed in the generall 

John Alden maried with Priseila, M'. MolUnes his 
donghter, and had issne by her as is before related. 

Edward Doty & Edward Litster, the servants of M'. 
Hopkins. Litster, after he was at liberty, went to Vir- 
ginia, & ther dyed. But Edward Doty by a second wife 
hath 7. children, and both he and they are living. 

Of these 100. persons which came first' over in this 
first ship together, the greater halfe dyed in the generall 
mortality ; and most of them in 2. or three monthes time. 
And for those which snrvied, though some were ancient 
& past procreation, & others left y* place and cuntrie, 
yet of those few remaining are sprunge up above 160. 
persons, in this 30. years, and are now living in this 
presente year, 1650. besids many of their children which 
are dead, and come not within this account. 

And of the old stock (of one & other) ther are yet 
living this present year, 1650. nere 30. persons. Let the 
Lord have y* praise, who is the High Preserver of men. 

♦Twelfe persons liveing of the old stock this present 
yeare, 1679. 

Two persons liveing that came over in the first shipe 
1620, this present yeare, 1690. Resolved White and Mary 
Chusman,t the daughter of M^ Allerton. 

And John Cooke, the son of Frances Cooke, that came 
in the first ship, is still liveing this present yeare, 1694; 

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No. II. 

[Commission for Regulating Plantations.] 

Charles by y* grace of Grod king of England, Scotland, France, 
and Ireland, Defender of y* Faith, &c.* 

To the most Reve* father in Christ, our wellbeloved & faith- 
full counsellour, William, by devine providence Archbishop 
of Counterbery, of all England Primate & Metropolitan ; 
Thomas Lord Coventry, Keeper of our Great Seale of 
England ; the most Reverente father in Christ our wellbe- 
loved and most faithful Connselour, Richard, by devine 
providence Archbishop of Yorke, Primate & Metropolitan ; 
our wellbeloved and most faitbfuU coussens & Counselours, 
Richard, Earle of Portland, our High Treasurer of Eng- 
land ; Henery, Earle of Manchester, Keeper of our Privie 
Seale; Thomas, Earle of Arundalle & Surry, Earle Mar- 
shall of England; Edward, Earle of Dorsett, Chamberline 
of our most dear consorte, the Queene ; and our beloved & 
faithfuU Counselours, Francis Lord Cottington, Counseler, 
and Undertreasurour of our Eschequour; S"^: Thomas Ed- 
monds, knight, Treasourer of our houshould; S': Henery 
Vane, Knight, controuler of y* same houshould ; S^* John 
Cooke, Knight, one of our Privie Secretaries ; and Francis 
Windebanck, Knight, another of our Privie Secretaries, 

Wheras very many of our subjects, & of our late fathers 

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desire of inlarging y* teritories of our empire, bat cheefly 
oat of a piouB & religioas affection, & desire of propagat- 
ij^g y* gOBpell of our Lord Jesus Christ, with great industrie 
& expences have caused to be planted large Collonies of 
y* English nation, in diverse parts of y* world alltogether 
unmanured, and voyd of inhabitants, or occupied of y* bar- 
barous people that have no knowledg of divine worship. 
We being willing to provid a remedy for y* tranqaillity A 
quietnes of those people, and being very confidente of your 
faith & wisdom, justice & providente circomspection, have 
constituted you y* aforesaid Archbishop of Counterburie, 
Lord Keeper of y* Great Scale of England, y* Archbishop 
of Yorke, &c. and any 5. or more, of you, our Comission- 
ers; and to you, and any 5. or more of you, we doe give 
and comite power for y* govermente & saftie of y* said 
collonies, drawen, or which, out of y* English nation into 
those parts hereafter, shall be drawne, to make lawes, con- 
stitutions, & ordinances, pertaining ether to y* publick state 
of these collonies, or y* private profite of them ; and con- 
cerning y* lands, goods, debts, & succession in those parts, 
and how they shall demaine them selves, towards foraigne 
pnnces, and their people, or how they shall bear them 
selves towards us, and our subjects, as well in any foraine 
parts whatsoever, or on y* seas in those parts, or in their 
returne sayling home ; or which may pertaine to y* dergie 
govermente, or to y* cure of soules, among y" people ther 
living, and exercising trad in those parts ; by designing out 
congruente porcions arising in tithes, oblations, & other 
things ther, according to your sound discretions, in politi- 
call & civill causes ; and by haveing y® advise of 2. or 3. 
bishoDS, for v'' setline, makincr, & orderine of v* bussines. 

Digitized by 



laws, coDstitotions, and ordinances, by imposing penealties 
& mulcts, imprison mente if ttier be cause, and y* y* quality 
of y* offence doe require it, by deprivation of member, or 
life, to be inflicted. With power allso (our assente being 
had) to remove, & displace y* govemours or rulers of those 
collonies, for causes which to you shall seeme lawfull, and 
others in their stead to constitute; and require an accounte 
of their rule & govermente, and whom you shall finde cul- 
pable, either by deprivation from their place, or by imposi- 
tion of a mulcte upon y* goods of them in those parts to 
be levied, or banishmente from those provinces in w** they 
have been gove' or otherwise to cashier according to y* 
quantity of y* offence. And to constitute judges, & magis- 
trats politicall & civill, for civill causes and under y' power 
and forme, which to you 5. or more of you shall seeme ex- 
pediente. And judges <& magistrats & dignities, to causes 
Ecclesiasticall, and under y* power & forme which to you 
5. or more of you, with the bishops vicegerents (provided 
by y* Archbishop of Counterbure for y* time being), shall 
seeme expediente ; and to ordaine courts, pretoriane and 
tribunall, as well ecclesiasticall, as civill, of judgmentes; 
to detirmine of y* formes and maner of procceedings in 
y* same ; and of appealing from them in matters & causes 
as well criminall, as civill, personall, reale, and mlxte, and 
to their seats of justice, what may be equall & well ordered, 
and what crimes, faults, or exessess, of contracts or injuries 
ought to belonge to y® Ecclesiasticall oourte, and what to y* 
civill courte, and seate of justice. 

Provided never y* less, y* the laws, ordinances, & consti- 
tutions of this kinde, shall not be put in execution, before 
our assent be had themnto in writing under our signet, 
signed at least, and this assente being had, and y* same 
publikly proclaimed in y* provinces in which they are to 
be executed, we will & coinand y* those lawes, ordinances, 
and constitutions more fully to obtaiue strength and be ob- 

Digitized by 



served* shall be inviolably of all men whom they shall con* 

Notwithstanding it shall be for yoa, or any 5. or more 
of you, (as is afforsaid,) allthough those lawes, constitu- 
tions, and ordinances shalbe proclaimed with our royall 
assente, to chainge, revocke, & abrogate them, and other 
new ones, in forme afforsaid, from time to time frame and 
make as afforesaid ; and to new evills arissing, or new 
dangers, to apply new remedyes as is fitting, so often 
as to you it shall seeme expediente. Furthermore you shall 
understand that we have constituted you, and every 5. or 
more of you, the afforesaid Archbishop of Counterburie, 
Thomas Lord Coventrie, Keeper of y* Great Scale of Eng- 
land, Richard, Bishop of Yorke, Richard, Earle of Portland, 
Henery, Eai*le of Manchester, Thomas, Earle of Arundale 
& Suri-y, Edward, Earell of Dorsett, Francis Lord Cottin- 
ton, S' Thomas Edmonds,t knighte, S' Henry Vane, knight, 
S' Francis Windebanke, knight, our comissioners to hear, 
& determine, accoixling to your sound discretions, all maner 
of complaints either against those collonies, or their rulei-s, 
or govenours, at y* instance of y* parties greeved, or at 
their accusation brought concerning injuries from hence, or 
from thence, betweene them, & their members to be moved, 
and to call y* parties before you ; and to the parties or to 
their procurators, from hence, or from thence being heard 
y* full complemente of justice to be exhibted. Giving unto 
you, or any 5. or more of you power, y* if you shall find 
any of y* collonies afforesaid, or any of y* cheefe rulers 
upon y* jurisdictions of othei-s by unjust possession, or 
usurpation, or one against another making greevance, or 
in rebelion against us, or withdrawing from our alegance. 

Digitized by 



for y* causes aflPoresaid, or for other just causes, either 
to retume to England, or to comand them to other places 
designed, even as according to your sounde discretions it 
shall seeme to stand with equitie, & justice, or necessitie. 
Moreover, we doe give unto you, & any 5. or more of you, 
power & spetiall comand over all y* charters, leters patents, 
and rescripts royall, of y* regions, provinces, ilands, or 
lands in foraigne parts, granted for raising colonies, to 
cause them to be brought before you, & y* same being 
received, if any thing surrepticiously or unduly have been 
obtained, or y* by the same priviledges, liberties, & preroga- 
tives hurtfull to us, or to our crowne, or to foraigne princes, 
have been prejudicially suffered, or granted ; the same beings 
better made knowne unto you 5. or more of you, to comand 
them according to y* laws and customs of England to be 
revoked, and to doe such other things, which to y* pro6te 
& safgard of y* afforesaid collonies, and of our subjects 
residente in y* same, shall be necessary. And therfore 
we doe comand you that aboute y* premisses at days & 
times, which for thesQ things you shall make provission, 
that you be diligente in attendance, as it becometh you ; 
giving in precepte also, & firmly injoyning, we doe give 
comand to all and singuler cheefe rulers of provinces into 
which y* colonies afforesaid have been drawne, or shall 
be drawne, & concerning y* colonies themselves, & concern- 
ing others, y* have been interest therein, y* they give atend- 
ance upon you. and be observante and obediente unto your 
warrants in those affaires, as often as, and even as in our 
name they shall be required, at their perill. In testimoney 
wherof, we have caused these our letters to be made pat- 
tente. Wittnes our selfe at Westminster the 28. day of 
Aprill, in y* tenth year of our Raigne. 

By write from y* privie scale. 

Anno Dom : 1634. 

Digitized by 



Digitized by 


Digitized by 



Abdaf , an Indian, 685. 

Accord Pond, 442. 

Acoaghconss, 445. 

AdTenturers. See Merchant Adventur- 

Alden, John, arrested in Massachusetts, 
379. Barty to contract, 452, 458. Set- 
tlement with, 478, 481. FamUj, 533, 

Alden, Robert, 256. 

Allerton, Bartholomew, 531, 535. 

Allerton, Isaac, 62. Assistant, 121, 242. 
Goes to England, 252, 267, 274, 313, 
328. Agreement with, 254 0<«09., 271, 
272. Brings over Mr. Rogers, 292. 
Marries Elder Brewster's daughter, 
305. Discharged, 329, 333, 358. Bis- 
dplined by church, 349. Disregards 
his bond, 357, 362. Referred to, 276, 
278-280, 294, 296, 297, 300-303. 305- 
312, 318-327, 335, 336, 340-350, 357- 
359, 361, 363-369, 375, 394, 432, 436, 
452. FamU7,531. 

Allerton, John, 533, 539. 

Allerton, Mary, 531, 535. 

Allerton, Remember, 531, 535. 

Alltbam, Emanuel, 266. 

Amsterdam, 23, 66, 70, 73. 

Anabaptistry, 461. 

Andrews, Richard, adventurer, 256. 
Undertaker, 275, 279, 296. 307, 333, 
342. 343, 394. Beaver sent to, 431, 
485. Takes land at Scitnate, 439. 
Seulement with, 452. Letter to Free- 
man, 482. Referred to, 410, 412, 414, 
436, 447. 

Andrews, Thomas, adventurer, 256. 

Ann See Cape Ann, 

Anne, ship, 168, 171, 177, 215 

Anthony. Lawrence, 266. 

Aqnidnett Island, 434, 461, 516. 

Argoll, CapUin, 47, 48. 

Arminians, 27, 28. 

Arnold, Benedict, 614, 525. 

Ashley, Edward, 307. His patent and 

business, 308 et $eq. Sends beaver 

home, 318, 326. Trades with Indians, 

327. Referred to, 333, 335, 337, 339, 

346, 349. His death, 328. 
Assistants at Plymouth, 121, 187. 
Atwood, John, agent for Sherley, 449 

et seq. Sherley's letter to, 478. 
Aulney, Monsieur d.\ captures Penob- 
scot, 395, 513. 
Aurelius, Marcus, 24. 
Awaseqnin, chief, 518,;525. 
Awashawe, Indian, 523. 
Babb, Mr., 412. 

Baker, master of the Charity, 202. 
Baptism, differences respecting, 457, 

Barnstable, 444. 
Bass, Edward, 255, 256. 
Beastliness, 459 et seq. 
Beaucbamp, John, 138, 141, 256, 266, 

275, 276, 296. Patent in his name. 

307. Referred to, 333, 342. 343, 368, 

394, 412, 414, 431, 435, 439, 451. Set- 

tlement with, 452. 
Bellingham, Richard, deputy governor 

of Massachusetts, 399. Letters from, 

BiUirike (Billerica), Pilgrims came from, 

Billington, Elen, 532. 
Billington, Francis. 532. 
Billington. John, 218. Loses himself, 

123. Tried for murder and executed, 

329 Family. 632, 637. 
Billington. John. Jr., 532. 

Digitized by 




BlackweU, Sir Francis, 47-50, 64. 

Blocklsland, 418, 421. 

Blossom, Thomas, 374. 

Boston in England, 16. 

Boston in New England, 342, 364, 383, 
417, 601, 518. 

Bound Brool£, 442. 

Bradford, Dorothy, 631, 635. 

Bradford, Wm., begins writing, 9. "W. 
B , 62. Chosen governor, 121. Ill- 
ness, 111, 121. Letter to Weston, 131. 
Letter from Weston, 142 Letter from 
Pickering and Greene, 144, 272. With 
others appoints Sherley and Bean- 
champ agents, 278. Patent at Ken- 
nebec, 376. Surrenders patent, 444. 
Letter from, 462. Family, 631, 636. 

Bradstreet, Simon, 399, 513. 

Brewer, Thomas, 60, 256. 

Brewster, Jonathan, letter from, 403. 

Brewster, Love, 631, 635. 

Brewster, Mary, 631. 

Brewster, Wm., Elder, 14. Goes to 
Holland, 22. Assistant to Robinson, 
24. Correspondence with Sandys and 
Worstenholme, 40-46. As to going to 
America, 53. Labors for sick. 111. 
Letters from Pickering, Greene and 
Weston, 144-146. Letter from Robin- 
son, 198. Letter from Roger White, 
248. Referred to. 153, 205, 208, 278, 
380, 462. Dies, 487. Character, 488 
et 8eq. Family, 631, 636. 

Brewster, Wrestling. 631, 636. 

Bristol, England, 320, 333, 338, 340, 347, 

Britteridge, Richard, 536, 638. 

Brook, Lord, 378. 

Brown, John, 513, 626. 

Brown, Peter, 633, 638. 

Browning, Henry, 266. 

Brownists, 238. 

Bntten, Wm., dies, 93. Family, 532. 

Callicote, Sergeant, 625. 

Calvin, John, 7. 

Capawack, 117, 125. 148. 

Cape Ann, patent for, 192. Mentioned, 
202, 204, 237, 266. 

Cape Cod. 90. Arrive at. 93. Exnlore 

Carver, John, agent to England, 40. 
Deacon, 40. Letter from Staresmore, 
50; from Robinson, 68; from S. F. 
et a/., 61; from Cnshman, 69; from 
Robinson, 77 ; from Weston, 128. 137, 
140. Keeps letter, 66. Chosen gov- 
ernor, 109. Mentioned, 50, 64, 58, 61, 
63,67-70, 76, 131. At Southampton. 
74. Dies, 121. Family, 631, 534. 

Carver, Kathrine, 631, 634. 

Cattle, first arrival of, 189. 

Cawsumsett Neck, 446. 

Charity, ship, 190, 207. 

Charles I., commission by, for regulat- 
ing plantations, 249, 640. 

Charles River, 440. 

Charlestown, 441. 

Charlton, 116. 

Chauncey, Charles, invited to Plymouth, 
456,558. Letter from, 467. 

Chilton, James, 633, 638. 

Chilton, Mary, 533, 638. 

Chinnougb, an Indian, 613. 

Christmas at Plymouth, 134. 

Church covenant, 331. 

Clapham, 411, 451. 

Clarke, pilot of the Mayflower, 67. 

Clarke, Richard, 533, 538. 

Clifton, Rev. Richard, 14. 

Cobiseconte, 376. 

Coddington, Wm., 332, 399. 

Cohasset, 442. 

Collier, Wm., 256, 340, 367. Sherley's 
agent, 449. 

Colonies of New England, confederation 
of, 496. 

Commissioners for the plantation, 640. 
Winslow petitions the, 390. 

Compact of the Pilgrims, 109. 

Connecticut, 371, 386, 387, 391, 402, 406, 
415, 419, 424, 425, 430, 606, 509. 

Cooke, Francis, 5-32, 537. 539. 

Cooke, John, 532, 637, 639. 

Cooke, Lord, 50. 

Cooper, Humility, 632 537. 

Coppin, Robert, Mayflower pilot, de- 
ceived, 104 

Corbitant takes Squanto, 124. 136. 

Corn. See Indian Com, 

Digitized by 




Cromwell, Thomas, Captain, and his 

Fltcher, Lieutenant, at Merrv-Monnt, 

crew, 526, 527. 


Crose, Daniel, mnrderer, escapes, 432. 

Fleet Prison, 328, 393, 447. 

Cnshman. Mary, 539. 

Fletcher, Moses. 533, 538. 

Cushman, Robert, agent to England, 

Fletcher, Thomas, 266. 

40. Letters from, 46-49. Letter from 

Florida, 37. 

S. F. et (U., 61, 62. Letters to S ^. 

Fogg, 339. 

et ai., 63-68; to John Carver, 69; to 

Fort Orange, now Albany, 282. 

Ed. S., 86-90. Comes in the Fortune, 

Fortune, arrival of the, 126. Departs, 

126 Condemns Weston's colonists, 

133, 142. 

147. Letters from, 172, 191. Men- 

France, 147, 148, 448. 

tioned, 49, 50, 54, 58, 60, 69, 74-76, 86, 

Freeman, Edmund, 451, 456. 

137. His death, 249. 

French robbery at Penobscot, 350. 

Cutshamalcin. 522, 525. 

French ship lost on Cape Cod, 118, 137. 

DamariscoTe Islands, 137, 187, 228, 251. 

Friendship, ship, 320, 328, 329, 333, 336, 

Dartmouth, England, 83, 86, 90. 

338, 342, 343, 346, 347, 358, 360, 413, 

Davenport. Lieutenant, 428. 


Davidson, Wm, 488. 

Fuller, Edward, and family, 533, 538. 

Davis, John, Sergeant, 514. 

Fuller, Samuel, letter from, 61. Letters 

Delft-Haven, 72. 

from Cushman, 63-68 Mentioned, 93, 

Dennison, Wm , 343. 

220, 315. His death, 374. FamUy, 

Dermer, Captain, 115, 118. 


Dorchester, 402, 406. \ 

Furnivars Inn, 284. 

Doty, Edward, 532, 539. 

Galopp, John, 429. 

Dudley, Thomas, 232, 342. Letter from. 

Gardenar, Richard, 533, 538. 

379. Mentioned, 384, 399, 504. 

Gardiner, Sir Christopher, 352 et seq. 

Dumer, Richard, 399. 

Gibbons commands, 518. 

Dutch, 54, 196. Send letters, 281. Men- 

Gibbs, Mr., mate of the Sparrow, 275. 

tioned, 370, 372-374, 388. 

Girling, expedition of, to recover Penob- 

Dutch letter, 268. 

scot, 396 

Dutchman at Hull, 17, 18, 409. 

Glover, Rev. Mr., 408. 

Duxbury, 362, 444, 457, 468, 474. 

Goflfe, Thomas, 256, 275. 

Earthquake in 1638, 437. 

Goodman, John, 533, 638. 

Eaton, Francis, 533, 538. 

Goodyeare, Stephen, 525. 

Eaton, Samuel, 533, 538. 

Gorges, Sir Ferdinand, 115, 180, 300, 329, 

Eaton, Sarah, 533, 538. 


Eaton, Theoph., 504. 613, 525. 

Gorges, Robert, grant to, 178. Meets 

Elizabeth, Queen, 7- 

Mr. Weston, 179. Arresto him, 183. 

Ely, seaman of Mayflower, 533. 

Returns to England, 184. 

Endicott, John, arrival of, with patent 

Gorton, Samuel, 528. 

for Massachusetts, 286-314. Letter to 

Gomiold, Captain, names Cape Cod, 

Governor Bradford, 315, 442. 


English, Thomas, seaman on the May- 

Gott, Charles, 316. 

flower, 533, 539. 

Granger, Thomas, 474. 

Eplscopius, 28. 

Graves, Mr., 412. 

Ewangsos, an Indian, 523. 

Greene, Wm., 143, 144. 

Exeter jail, 303. 

Green's harbor, 362. 

Falcon, ship, 410. 

Gregson, Thomas, 504, 513. 

Familism, 461. 

Greville, Sir Fnlke, 46. 

Farrar, Sir George, 63. 

Griffin, Mr.. 412. 

Fast, in Holland, 52; in Plymouth, 170. 

Grirasbe and Hull, 18. 

Fells, Mr., 264, 265. 

Gudburn, Peter, 256. 

Fenwick, George, 5(M, 513, 525. 

Guiana, 36, 55. 

Digitized by 





Hurricane at Plymouth, 401. 

Hampton, 832 

Indian com, 100. Pilgrims take, and 

Hanson, Captain, 183 

later pay for, 100, 123. Squanto 

Hartford, 001, 510. 

teaches how to plant, 120. Indians 

Hatherlj, Timothy, 236, 296, 307, 


raise more, 122. Pilgrims do not yet 

Arrives in Massachusetts Bay, 


know how to raise, 152. Several hogs- 

329. 334, 335, 340. Affirms by oath, 

heads secured, 155. Each man to plant 

342,343,345. At Bristol, 347. Again 

for himself, 162. Women and children 

comes to America, 360, 439. 

set, 162. Fear about supply, 176. 

Hathome, Wm., 513. 

Indians, expected danger from, 34, 95. 

Haynes, John, governor of Massachn- 

First seen, 98. Their com found, 99. 

ietto, 399. 

About a grampus, 101 . First alarm of. 

Heath, Thomas, 256. 

102-104, 106. Skulking, 113. Men. 

Hedgehog, fable of the, 211. 

tioned, 119, 123, 127, 134, 136, 156, 157. 

Hendrick, Prince, 249. 

Resolve to destroy western people, 158. 

Hibbins, Wm., 479. 

Mentioned, 232, 253, 262. Value of 

Higginson, Francis, 317. 

wampum, 282. Taught by Morton, 

Hingham,439. Boundaries of , 440, 442. 


Hobbamok, an Indian, 123-125, 


— Long Island, sachems of, 428. 


— Mohawks, 427. Kill Sassacus, 430. 

Hobson, Wm., 256. 

Mentioned, 514. 

Hocking, killed at the Kennebec, 377- 

— Monhiggs beat the Narragansetts, 



Holbeck, Wm., 532. 

— Narragansetts, 123, 133, 136, 136, 148, 

HoUand, 15, 22, 30, 34, 42, 69, 71, 


152, 186, 282, 416, 423, 424, 426. 430, 

393, 490. 

433,496,505. Agreement with, 521. 

Holland, Robert, 243, 256. 

— Neepnetts, 429. 

Hooke, John, 531, 535. 

— Nyanticks, 612, 518. Agreement 

Hooker, Rev. Thomas, 234. 

with, 521. 

Hopkins, Constanta, 532, 536. 

— PequoU. 232, 282, 371, 415, 416, 418. 

Hopkins, Damaris, 532. 

Attack English, 419, 420, 423-426, 430, 

Hopkins, Edward, 504, 513, 525. 

496, 505. 

Hopkins, Elizabeth, 532, 536. 

Innemo, Indian chief, 618. 

Hopkins, Giles, 536. 

Irish servanto, 264. 

Hopkins, Oceanas, bom at sea, 532 

Isle of Shoals, 291. 

Hopkins, Stephen, 122. Visito Massa- 

Jackson, Thomas, executed, 432. 

80it,122. Family, 532, 536 

James, a physician, 434. 

Honghe, Atherton, 399. 

James I., 13. Dies, 249. Named, 366. 

Howland, Elizabeth, 534. 

James, ship, 192. 

Howland, John, falls overboard, 


Jeffrey, Sergeant, 328. 

462. Family, 531, 534. 

Jenemo and Wipelock, 623. 

Hubbard, Wm., historian, 329. 

Johnson, Rev. Frands, 48, 49. 

Huddleston, John, letter from, 


Johnson, Mr., 330, 832. 


Johnsone, alderman, 47. 

Hudson, Thomas, 256. 

Jonas, 525. 

Hudson's Bay, 196. 

Jones, captain of the Discovery, 163. 

Hudson's River, 13. 

Jones, captain of the Mayflower, 83. 

Hull, 17, 18. 

Kean, Robert, 255, 256. 

Humber River, 441. 

Kennebec, load of com sent up the, 246. 

Humfray, John, 399. 

Mentioned, 267, 280, 282, 293, 300, 311, 

Hunt, Thomas, Captain, captoi 

• of 

326, 348, 379, 407, 421, 437. Patent 1, 

Sqnanto, 115, 116. 


Hunter, Rev. Joseph, 151, 197. 

Kent, 70. 

Digitized by 




King, Wm.. 89. 

Mary and Anne, 435. 

Knight, Elixa, 206. 

Mason, Captain, with Gorges, 355, 391, 

Knight, John, 256. 


Knowles, Myles, 206. 

Mason, John, Captain, and the Pequots, 

Land's End, 84. 

428, 518. 

Langemore, John, 632. 

Langrnme, master of a ship, 410, 412. 

149, 232, 265, 295. Gorges arrives in 

Latham, Wm., 531, 534. 

Bay, 178, 181. Arrival of Ralfe Smith. 

LaTonr, French goremor, 613. 

314. Mr. Pierce and Mr. Hatheriey 

Land, Wm., archbishop, 891, 392. 

come, 319, 320, 330, 342. Gardiner 

Lee, Lord, 430. 

in, 352, 361. Roger Williams comes, 

LoTCtt, Christopher, 179. 

369. Mentioned, 371, 372, 382, 383, 403, 

Lejden, 23, 64, 56, 66, 70. Departure 

416, 419, 433. Boundaries between 

thence, 71. Mentioned, 86, 96, 130, 

Massachusetts and Plymouth, 447 

143, 148, 189, 216, 249, 271, 293, 314. 

Massasolt visits Plymouth, 114. Treaty 

Lincoln, Conntess of, 51. 

with, 114. Embassy to, 122. Sends 

Lincolnshire, 13, 16. 

word concerning Billington, 123-125, 

Ling, John, 256. 

134, 136. Seeks Squanto's life, 137. 

Lister, Edward, 632, 539. 

Is sick, 168. 

London, 69, 72, 73, 84, 86, 115, 195, 244. 

Masterson, Richard, 50, 374. 


Maurice, Grave, dies, 249. 

London bridge, fire on, 367. 

Mayflower, 296. 

Low coantries, 22, 26, 121, 296, 448, 

May-pole at Merry-Mount, 285, 286. 


Meekesano, 525. 

Lndlow, Mr , 428, 509. 

Merchant adventurers, agreement with. 

Lyford, John, arrires, 204. Letters in- 

70, 76. Weston and the, 138, 143. 

tercepted, 207, 208. Sets op a public 

As to L3rford, 234. Broken up, 237. 

meeting, 209. Cited before the court. 

Names of, 256. 

210. Mentioned, 213, 215, 219, 238, 292. 

Merrimac River, 160. 

His aclcnowledgment, 220. Writes to 

Merry-Mount, 231. 

adventurers, 221. Their opinion of 

Miantonimo, 605. 512. 

him, 223 rf *«9 , 227, 229, 230. Cen- 

Milford-Haven, 348. 

sured, 232. Facts concerning, 232 et 

Mlllsop, Thomas, 256. 

seq. Goes to Nantasket, 236. Dies, 

Minter, Desire, 531.534. 


Mixano, 618. 

Lyon, ship, 363. 

Monhegan, 148, 186, 251. 

Maggner, Mr., 47. 

Mononotto, an Indian, and his wife, 429, 

Mabue, Mr., 360 


Malabar, Cape, 94. 

More, Ellen, 631. 

Manamoick (Chatham), 117, 125, 155, 

More, Jasper, 631, 534. 


More, Richard, 531, 533 

Manoanscussett, 281, 415. 

Morrell, Wm., Rev , comes with Robert 

Manomet (Sandwich) , 123. Pinaoe built 

Gorges, 185. 

at, 266. Mentioned, 281, 402. 

Morton, George, 59. 

Margeson, Edmond, 533, 538. 

Morton, Thomas, at Mount Wollaston, 

Marriage, first, at Plymouth, 121. By 

284 et aeq. Arrested, 291, 302. Im- 

magistrates, 393 

prisoned in Boston, 303, 892. 

Marshfield, 444, 468. 

Mott, Thomas, 256. 

Martin, Christopher, 69, 70, 76, 87, 88, 

Mount Wollaston, 284 ei teg. 

KQ9 fWfi. 

im^lUntxa I/^OAnh MO. RQA 

Digitized by 




Naemschatet. 446. 

Peirce, Wm., master of Paragon, 169. 

Naraasket, 116. 

Master of the Anne, 171, 186, 202, 207, 

Namassakett, 124. 

216. Comes from England, 230, 232, 

Namskeket Creek, 263. 

234, 308, 319, 333, 361, 363. Letter 

Nantasket, 236, 289. 

from Virginia, 365-367, 412, 414. Car- 

NarragaDsetts. See Indiana, 

ries Indians to West Indies, 429. 

Nash, Mr.. 61, 62. 

Pelham, Herbert, 626. 

Natawanate, S73. 

Pemaquid, 401. 

Nanmkeag (Salem), 235, 316. 

Pemberton, John, 208. 

Naunton, Sir Robert, 38. 

Pennington, Wm., 256. 

Nanset (Eastham), 116, 123, 444 

Penobscot, 116, 309, 326, 333, 349. 350, 

Nequamkeck, falls of, 376. 

382, 395, 400. 

Newbald, Fria, 256. 

Pequots. See Indians, 

New-comin, John, killed by Billington, 

Perkins, Mr., 9. 


Perrin, Wm., 256. 

New England, 108, 116. Grant from 

Pessecuss, an Indian, 520, 524, 525. 

council of, 167, 169, 178, 245. Confed- 

Peters, Hugh, 479 et seq. 

eration of plantations of, 496. 

Pickering, Edward, 68, 60, 138. 140, 143. 

Newfoundland, 115. 

Letter to Bradford and Brewster, 144, 

New Haven, 458, 500-502, 609, 621. 


Newtown, 399, 407. 

Pierce, John, 76, 143. Likes not Wes- 

Norton, Captain. 386. 

ton's company, 148. Sends the Para- 

Norton, Rer. John, 408. 

gon , 166 et seq. Charter taken in name 

Norway, 19. 

of, 167. 

Nottinghamshire, 13. 

Pilgrims resolve to go to the low conn- 

Noratlans, 9. 

tries, 14. Fate of families left behind, 

No well, Increase, 399. 

20. Remove to Leyden, 23. Obtain 

Nyanticks See Indians. 

patent from Virginia company, 50, 51. 

Old-comers, 444. 

Agreement with Weston and merchant 

Oldliam, John, 206, 208. Resists Captain 

adventurers, 56, 70 Their vessels, 71 , 

Standish, 209. Cited before the court. 

72. Choose governor and assistants. 

210. Named, 216, 218, 219. Comes 

83. Sail, 83. Put back, 83. Dismiss 

asrain, 229. Sent away, 230. Con- 

the Speedwell. 84. List of the, in the 

fesses, 231. Killed, 232. Mentioned, 

Mayflower, 531 et seq. Descry Cape 

237, 417. 418. 

Cod, 93. Give thanks, 94. First see 

Oporto, 327, 343. 

Indians, 98. Find kettle and Indian 

Crania (Orange) fort, 282. 

corn. 99. First encounter with In- 

Ossameqnine, 522. 

dians, 102. Lay out house lots, 107. 

Case River, 441. 

Their compact, 109. Choose John Car- 

Paddy, Wm., 466. 

ver governor, 109. Visited by Samo- 

Pampiamett, 613. 

set, 113; by Squanto and Massasoit, 

Paragon, ship, sent out by John Peirce, 

114. Treaty with Massasoit, 114. 


Harvest, 1622. 152. Then: meeting 

Partridge, Ralph, discusses baptism with 

house, 152. 

Digitized by 




Plymoath, N. E., 1, 90, 116, 117, 127, 

Salt-making, 191, 192, 203. 

160, 251, 314, 332, 349, 363, 380. 

Saly (Sailer), 245. 

Boands between, and Massachnsetts, 

Samoset visits Plymouth, 113. 


Samson, Henry, 532, 537. 

Pocock, John, 2fi6. 

Sanders, John, chief of Weston's men. 

Point Care, 94. 


Point Peril, 446. 

Sandwich, 444. 

Pokanokete, 116. 

Sandys, Sir Edwin, letter from, 40-43, 

Poliander, John, 28. 

46 Governor of Virginia company, 

Portsmouth, 169, 244. 246. 


Porj, John, secretary, 153. 

Sassacus, sachem, 427. Killed, 430. 

Powows, 118, 

Satucket, 116. 

Poynton, Daniel, 256. 

Say, Lord, 378, 384. 

Preist, DIgerie, 533, 538. 

Scitnate, 440-444, 458. 

Prince, Thos., chosen governor, 375, 432. 

ScoUand, 448. 

Mentioned, 380, 381, 452, 525. 

Scott, false, 351. 

Prices ofliTe stock, 436. 

Scurvy, Pilgrims suflfer from, 110. 

Providence, 515. 

Seekonk, 434, 444, 518. 

Prower, Salamon, 532. 

Seneca, 94, 200. 

Pnnham, 522. 

Sharpe, Samuel, 256. 

Pnmmunish, 513, 525. 

Sheriver, Mr , 50. 

Puritans, name, 8. 

Sherley, James, letters to Pilgrims, 189 

Quaries, Wm., 256. 

et teq., 193, 300, 302, 304, 321, 333. 

Rasdell, Mr., at Mt. Wollaston, 284. 

Letters to Governor Bradford, 275 et 

Rasieres, Isaac de, 269. Reply to his 

seq., 296. Letters from, 336 et aeq., 

letter, 270, 281. 

346, 359, 367 ei seq., 381, 394, 410, 412, 

Rayner, John. Rev., 419, 457. Letter 

450. Settlement with, 452 Letters to 

from, 464. 

Atwood, 478; to partners, 478, 485. 

Rehoboth, 444. 

His release, 480. Mentioned, 249, 255, 

Revell, John, 266. 

256, 278, 279, 293. 304, 306, 307, 309, 

Reynolds, 67. Captain of the Speed- 

313. 318, 340, 342, 344, 347-350, 357, 

well, 83. Pute back twice, 83, 84. 

360, 363, 375, 414, 415, 431, 436, 439, 

Referred to, 147, 208. 


Rigdale, Alice, 533, 537. 

Shoanan, sachem, 522. 

Rigdale, John, 533, 537. 

Sibsie, Mr., 220. 

Riggs, Sergeant, 328. 

Skelton, Samuel, 317. 

Robinson, John, Rev., 14. Goes to 

Small-pox among Indians on the Con- 

Holland, 22-24, 27. Disputes with 

necticut, 388. 

Arminius, 28. Correspondence with 

Smith, Francis, 514. 

Sir Edwin Sandys, 40-43; with Sir 

Smith, John, 23, 94. His map, 441. 

John Worstenholm, 43-46, 48, 54. 

Smith, John, Rev., 14, 23. 

Letters to John Carver, 58-61, 77, 

Smith, Ralph, Rev., 314. Resigns his 

78; to Pilgrims, 78-82, 88, 130, 153. 

ministry, 418. 

Letter to Governor Bradford, 197; to 

Smith, Sir Thomas, 47. 

Wm. Brewster, 198, 216, 238. Dead, 

Sodomy, 469 et seq. 

247 et seq. 

Sokanoke, 522. 

Rogers, Mr., at Plymouth, 292. 

Southampton, 67. Arrive at. 71. Men- 

Rogers, Joseph, 533, 637. 

tioned, 73, 87, 88, 533. 

Rogers, Thomas, 633, 537. 

Souther, Nathaniel, 466. 

Rome, 25, 66. 

Southworth, Edward, letter from Robt. 

Rookes, Newman, 266. 

Cushman, 86-90. 

Sagadahoc, wreck at, 251. 

Sowams, 116. 

Salem, 235, 295, 316, 317, 330, 370, 383. 

Sowansett River, 446. 

Digitized by 




Sowie, George, 631, 535. 

Spain, 115, 358. 

Sparrow, ship, 145. 

Speedwell, ship, 71, 72, 84. • 

Squanto, history of, 113-117. Teaches 
corn planting, 120. With embassy 
to Massasoit, 122. Mentioned, 124, 
125, 130, 135, 148. Seeks his own 
ends, 136, 137. Dies, 155. 

Stamford, 509. 

Standish, Myles, leads a party up Cape 
Cod, 98. Labors for sick. 111. Goes 
with party about Cape Cod, 155. Res- 
cues some of Weston's people, 159. 
Lyford's opinion of, 217. Sent to Eng- 
land, 245. Comes home, 247, 252, 272, 
278. Arrests Morton, 291, 379-381. 
Goes to the Penobscot, 397. Men- 
tioned, 446, 452, 458, 518, 532, 536. 

Standish, Rose, 532, 536. 

Stanton, Thomas, interpreter, 428. 

Staresmore, Sabin (S. B.), 46. Letter 
to Carver, 50, 61. 

Stinnings, Richard, executed for mur- 
der, 432. 

Stone, Captain, influences governor of 
Dutch plantation, 386. Killed, 386. 
Mentioned, 416, 418. 

Story, Ellas, 531. 

Stoughton, Israel, commissioner, 442. 

Stoughton, Mr., 429. 

Straton, 339. 

Sturgs, Thomas, 481. 

Taborites, 25. 

Talbut, ship, 296. 

Tarantines, 125. 

Tassaquanawite, 623. 

Taunton, 444. 

Thanksgiving, flrst, 126. 

Thomas, Wm., 665. 

Thompson, David, at the mouth of the 
Piscataqua, 185, 251, 252. 

Thompson, Edward, 532. 

Thomed, Thomas, 256. 

Thomhill, Matthew, 266. 

Tilden,* Joseph, 256. 

Trent, River, 441. 

Trevore, Wm., 148, 533. 

Trumball, Wm., 357. 

Tucker's Terror, 94. 

Turkeys, wild, 126. 

Turner, John, 66, 67, 533, 638. 

Uncas, Monhigg chief, 430, 605, 510 ei 
seq., 614, 621, 623. 

XJncaway, 509. 

Union of the New England colonies, 496. 

Vane, Sir Harry, 419, 430. 

Vines, Richard, 338. 

Virginia, 36, 37, 41, 49, 55, 67, 86, 108, 
117, 127, 138, 149, 150, 152, 153, 170, 
181. Ship bound for, 261, 266, 266. 
Mentioned, 364, 385, 414. 

Virginia company, 38, 39, 46, 47, 64, 

Virginia court and council, 46. 

Walloons, 27. 

Wampum, value of, 282. 

Ward, Thomas, 266. 

Warren, Richard, 532, 537. 

Warwick, Earl of, 300, 526. 

Water, flrst drink of, in New England, 

Waughwamlno, 524. 

Weequashcooke, 523. 

Weesagascussett, 289. 

Weetowish, 513, 518, 526. 

Weld, Thomas, 479 et seq. 

West, Francis, admiral for New Eng- 
land, 169, 178. 

Weston, Andrew, 144. 

Weston, Thos., 52, 54-66, 69, 60, 62, 63, 
67, 69, 74, 88. Writes Governor Car- 
ver, 128, 129. Sends flshing vessel, 
137. Letters to Mr. Carver, 137-140. 
Letter to Governor Bradford, 142-144. 
Remarks in letter of Pickering and 
Greene, 145. Mentioned, 141, 146, 
149, 150, 166, 178, 186, 189. His 
people in trouble, 154 et seq. Comes 
in disguise, 160. His ingratitude, 161. 
Arrives with small ship, 179. Cited 
before Robert Gorges, 179 et seq, Ar- 

Digitized by 




White, Roger, letter from, 248. 

Mentioned, 134. 177, 191, 208.216,234. 

White, Susannah, 532, 635. 

242. 244, 261, 278, 300, 312, 319, 329, 

White, Wm , 532, 535, 536. 

333, 336, 337, 344. 346. 350. 357, 380, 

White Angel, ship, 320, 321, 326, 328, 

384, 392-394, 408, 442, 446, 452, 613, 

329. 333-336. 337, 338, 343, 344. 346, 

527. Chosen governor, 366. 409, 507. 

350, 361, 364, 390, 394, 395. 413, 455. 

In England, 389. Petition of, 390. 

Wilder, Roger, 631. 534. 

Family, 531, 535. 

Wilkinson, Ed., master of the Falcon, 

Winslow, Elizabeth, 631. 

410, 412. 

Winslow, Gilbert, 533, 538. 

Willett, Thomas, agent at Penobscot, 

Winslow, Josias, 452. 


Winthrop, John, 330-332. 342. Letters 

Williams, Roger, 369 et aeq, Padfles 

from, 364, 417. 420, 427. Mentioned, 

Indians, 434, 515. 

382-384, 399, 446, 604, 526. 

Williams, Thomas. 533. 538. 

WoUaston, Captain, 283. His ventures, 

Willson, Mr., surgeon, 430. 


Wilson, John, 332. 

Worstenholme, Sir John, 43, 46, 47. 

Wincot. Jacob, 61. 

Wraight, Henry, 266. 

Winnisimmet, 289. 

Yarmouth, 444, 446. 

Winslow, Edward, 62. Visits Massa- 

Yeardley, Sir Geo., 47. 

solt, 122. Visits Captain Huddleston, 

Yonge, Joseph, 436. 

151. Brings cattle, 189 Comes from 

Yorkshire, 13. 

England, 230. Calls Lyford a knave, 

Zealand, 17. 

236. Goes up the Kennebec, 247. 

Zlska, 26. 

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FEB 2 61906 

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